This opinion piece was first published in the author’s column “Tabang Bikol Movement” in Bicol Mail on May 8, 2025. She shares her insights on the socio-economic issues and factors that might influence the outcome of the 2025 Elections. Just like many Filipinos, she feels her dream of clean elections remains elusive and will remain so in the future.
On Monday, May 12, registered voters—now 69 million—will troop to the precincts for the mid-term elections. This is the midway point of President Bongbong Marcos’ term. All 317 seats in the lower House and 12 of the 24 seats in the Senate will be contested to form the 20th Congress of the Philippines. Local elections will also be held for the executive and legislative branches in every province, city, and municipality. The first regular election for the Bangsamoro Parliament, which was postponed in 2022, will now be held on October 13, 2025. This will be the first general election after the 2023 Philippine barangay and Sangguniang Kabataan elections. This election will also be the first automated election overseen by the South Korean firm Miru Systems, following the Commission of Elections’ (Comelec) disqualification of the discredited Smartmatic from participating in future elections.
Once again, the majority of the seats to be contested in both Houses of Congress and local government unit (LGU) elective positions will be decided by national-level family dynasties and local dominant families in the cities. In short, it is out of our hands. The Dutertes and Binays are just among hundreds of families who have ruled their city governments for years and gone on to consolidate more political power. At least 113 out of 149 city mayors belong to political dynasties. 80, or about 53% of all city mayors, are dynasts seeking reelection. Meanwhile, 27 sitting city mayors consider having relatives replace them as most run for other positions. In some cities where non-dynastic mayors lead, members of political dynasties are gearing up to unseat the incumbents. This overwhelming control of our political landscape by these dynasties can make us feel powerless and voiceless in our governance.
Family dynasties have also swarmed the congressional districts, party lists, and gubernatorial races. Political or family dynasties emerged more prominently in the 20th century, before and after the restoration of elite democracy following the civilian uprising in 1986. Families like the Aquinos, Marcoses, and others gained influence through consecutive elections and public office. They constitute the Filipino elite, owning a large portion of the country’s economic wealth, which was built from their ancestral roots or modern-day businesses, such as real estate and control of energy industries (e.g., the Villars). This means power turns into greed, representing the vested interest in dominating national and local politics.
Family dynasties tend to be horizontal and vertical. In the Senate today, most senators come from political families, with 80% of the 23 senators being members of such families. For instance, there are two Cayetanos here – Alan Peter and his sister Pia. This includes cases where multiple generations or siblings within a family have held political positions. Vertically, on the other hand, the average number of political families per province is around 2.31, and in some regions, family dynasties have controlled the political landscape for extended periods. In some provinces, a few influential families have maintained control over political positions for generations, consolidating their power and influence over the local population and resources.
In the LGU, political position begets economic power. City councils, presided over by the vice mayor, approve the local budget and legislate local ordinances and resolutions that the mayor is mandated to implement. If the mayors’ relatives also dominate the council, it could further erode accountability and give way to dubious deals at the local level. The mayor’s kin already fills one in every three city councils. In this year’s midterms, more city mayors have relatives running for positions in city councils. More to the point, vice mayor and councilor positions also serve as training grounds for scions of dynasties. In May, younger generations of the Dutertes, the Romualdez of Leyte, and the Singsons of Ilocos Sur are running as councilors. These positions provide a platform for them to gain experience, name recall, and influence local policies and resources in favor of their families’ political interests. Mayors and governors are replicating this phenomenon at the local level, as they position their sons, daughters, and spouses in government
Do elections signify the presence of democracy? Studies show that democracy, a system left by American colonizers, is only in form but lacks substance. Elections guarantee a level playing field, allowing non-dynastic candidates to compete fairly with dynastic politicians. This is farcical. Every voter knows that influential, wealthy candidates who enjoy the privilege of name recognition have a significantly higher chance of winning, by more than 80%, than those who lack resources. Remember the 3 Gs – gold, guns, and goons – he who has these wins. This revelation can leave us feeling disillusioned with the democratic process.
The perennial dilemma remains more prominent in this era of chronic poverty. Vote buying and selling, as well as vote padding and shaving, give the vote to the wealthy and usually the incumbent, who uses local state resources at their command to win. For more than a century, elections have come and gone. Many Filipinos, especially those advocating clean elections, agree that such a dream remains elusive and will remain so in future generations. Both the political and economic systems are in the grip of family dynasties. It is also the reason why 60% of Filipinos are poor, with one-half in absolute poverty. This dire situation demands our immediate attention and action.
About the author
EVITA JIMENEZ-TUAZON is the Founding Chair of Tabang Bikol Movement, Chair of the Board of Trustees of Mariners’ Polytechnic Colleges Foundation of Canaman; President of JaimEliza Inc., a former Consultant of the National Anti-Poverty Commission (NAPC), a social entrepreneur and officer in non-profit groups for women, and farmers in poor communities for disaster resiliency and good governance. Mariners’ Polytechnic Colleges, Inc. is a group of maritime schools with campuses, notably in Naga City and Legazpi City, which offer programs in marine transportation, marine engineering, business education, and related fields, along with other CHED-approved courses. Evita also writes a column “Tabang Bikol Movement” for Bicol Mail, mostly about volunteerism.