It was providential that Fr. Cantius J. Kobak, OFM, was assigned to the Parish of Camalig, even if only momentarily. He created an opportunity for the people of this town to become acquainted with priceless treasures that had, for an extremely long time, never received their faintest attention or even their quirky curiosity. Father Kobak presented proof that the ancient settlers of what is now Camalig had their own burgeoning civilization, possibly hundreds or even thousands of years before the Spaniards set foot on this land.

In Barangay Cotmon, Camalig, there is a cave known as Hoyop-hoyopan. “Hoyop” is Bikol for blow; “hoyopan” refers to blow on, in, or to. Hoyop-hoyopan aptly describes the constancy of cool, fresh air that flows through the cave as if being tirelessly blown in from three humongous mouths—the cave’s openings—regardless of the heat the dry season brings or the cold the wet season carries.

Today, the cave’s three spacious chambers are favorite spots for tourists and locals who wish to escape the hustle of urban life, seeking refuge from the humidity and discomfort of a blistering summer afternoon. In the past, when tourism and tourists were mere words, not associated with persons who love to commune with nature or the beautiful, calming spots where people would like to spend a day or an afternoon to refresh their weary souls, Hoyop-hoyopan Cave was only for the adventurous and curious, or those interested in seeing how a cave looks.

During World War II, this cave may have served as a refuge for civilians fleeing from the atrocities of war or as a rest area for guerilla fighters to enjoy a break from their grim undertakings. Perhaps the Japanese foot soldiers, sick and tired of what their Emperor and his generals foolishly ignited, found the walls of the cave cool enough for a longed-for nap. Perhaps the insurgents made a holdout of the cave during their fight for independence from the Spanish conquistadores. Maybe the Camalignung freedom fighters, if not the American soldiers themselves, rested here when they invaded Albay in 1900. No one has yet written stories about these matters.

But all those written accounts or stories told prove that for a long time, people have been going in and out of the cave. Yet so many of them sensed nothing else but the cool, fresh, unspoiled air that flows through the cave or the eerie flap of a bat’s wings in its dash for a quiet nook. Nobody heard the muted grumblings or spooky footfalls of some spirit. They failed to take a second look at the rundown remains of age-old stalactites and stalagmites, which suffered a most cruel deathblow. They did not note the chamber floors covered with cement, particularly that of the third chamber converted to a dance floor where they could disco dance the night away—then in vogue—without worrying about being hauled off to Camp Bagong Ibalon (now Camp Simeon A. Ola) by the dictatorship’s police and military elements who prowled the streets for curfew violators until sunrise.

In the ‘70s, cave guests were amused or looked away from corners or dark spots as cement statues of horned, fanged, tailed, winged, distended-tongue critters of the dark later stood up, popped out, or sprouted on what used to be the base or body of centuries-old stalagmites. No one ever tried to cursorily or at least curiously look for any story or history hidden or kept in plain sight, tucked in some fold, or embedded in some layer of mud or muck, floor, wall, hole, or gap inside or outside the cave. If anyone did, perhaps whatever lesson was learned, story heard, or fact unearthed remained kept in the inner chambers of their silence.

Incidentally, would any reader know how many thousands of years it would take for a stalactite and a stalagmite to hook up and form a column, only to be senselessly amputated in a split second? This happened in Hoyop-hoyopan Cave as it did in some 20 other caves in Camalig, which the writer had the opportunity to visit from 2005 to 2013. Given the lay of the land and soil composition of the upland territories in the southwestern quadrant of Camalig, it is most likely that this town is home to the greatest number of caves in the province of Albay. Some conservative estimates suggest that there could be no fewer than 30 caves in the municipality.

FR. KOBAK COMES TO CAMALIG

On October 18, 1972, maybe a day later, Fr. Cantius Kobak, OFM set foot on the St. John the Baptist Parish of Camalig. He was requested by the Franciscan Provincial Vicar Fr. Silvestre Murillo, OFM to temporarily substitute as parish assistant when a Parish Spanish Friar left for his home-leave in Spain, and will not return. Incidentally, this same Fr. Murillo was also once a Parish Priest of Camalig. He succeeded Fr. Antonio Luto, OFM. Before his temporary assignment to Camalig, Fr. Kobak was serving the Santuario de San Antonio Parish in Forbes Park, Makati where he was assigned after eleven years of mission work in Samar.

In Camalig, he stayed at the Parish Convent. Alfredo “Jun” Navia Magdangal Jr. recalls that at Fr. Kobak’s coming, the Parish Priest was Fr. Hermenigildo Salvosa, OFM. He was then in the company of Fr. Florentin Perez, OFM, Fr. Cayetano Sanchez, OFM. Fathers Perez and Sanchez were Spanish priests.

Magdangal recalls that when Fr. Kobak returned to the Santuario de San Antonio Parish in Forbes Park on May 6, 1973, a Filipino priest, Fr. Gualberto Malanog, OFM took his place. “Fr. Malanog was earlier assigned in Samar,” recalls Magdangal.  It was at this time when Spanish Franciscans were gradually turning over their parishes in Albay, particularly Camalig and Daraga, to their Filipino counterparts in the early ‘80s.

Fr. Kobak was tasked to perform responsibilities that included sacramental, pastoral, and administrative as well as all the other facets of parish life. At that time the then obtaining political situation in the country, in the St. John the Baptist Parish particularly, somehow pushed Fr. Salvosa to some suffocating corner. He could not unreservedly attend to the full range of his obligations to the church and his parishioners.

After the normal courtesy and amenities of his arrival, Fr. Kobak promptly proceeded to perform his tasks in the parish. Later in October 1972, Jun Magdangal, then 16 years old and a fresh high school graduate from the St. John’s Academy, recalls that he would accompany Fr. Kobak take walks around the church, the convent, and in many parts of the población.

“As we walked around, Fr. Kobak would always take note of little things that never caught our attention. He’d pick up shards of pottery, stones, things which, for us, were commonplace, uninteresting, and often swept aside as litter.  I did not mind what he was doing. I would just walk alongside him, keeping up with his pace. I would answer questions if ever asked. Our exchange was in English.” Jun recalls.

Jun’s alma mater, St. John’s Academy (SJA), was then under the administration of the Franciscan Fathers in Camalig. Its campus adjoins the convent and the church. This school is as historical as the St. John the Baptist Church and Convent, It dates back to 1605 when Governor and Captain General Pedro Bravo de Acuña signed a decree allowing the reconstruction of the church using volcanic rocks and boulders; and with it a convent and boys’ school and other structures also in rocks and boulders.

Jun, now 68 years old, would be one of the five St. John the Baptist Church acolytes and convent boys who would later join Fr. Kobak in his Camalig archeological tours. He resides in Barangay 2, Camalig with his family. His residence is a stone’s throw from the Church.

With Jun was Rodrigo “Ruding” Obsona Salomon now 74. He was 22 years old when he served as driver of the group’s service owner type jeep but he had been serving, for a time already, as driver for the priests assigned at the St. John the Baptist Parish.  He now resides in Salugan, Camalig with his family. (The writer abbreviated his interview with Ruding as he was just discharged from the hospital. He had a mild stroke on July 27, 2024, and was in confinement until August 2, a day before the interview.)

Jun and Ruding both identified Fernando Miranda, son of Camalig Catholic Cemetery undertaker Mariano Miranda, as one of their companions in the Kobak trips. Fernando was 19 years old then. He has already passed away. Jun adds Gil Mirandilla, now 68 years old, of Barangay Salugan, Camalig as another member. Ruding also remembers Jose Moyo who has migrated to Metro Manila and then Fernando Merca who was then residing in Sto. Cristo, Daraga but has now transferred to Barangay San Lorenzo, Tabaco City with his family. Jun remembers Fernando as working for the Our Lady of the Gate Church (Daraga) under the care of Fr. Jaime Monroy, OFM. Fr. Kobak had six constant youthful and energetic assistants during his stay in Camalig. Friends dubbed them as “The Koron Boys.”

Jun Magdangal recalls that after going around the población, meeting parishioners wherever they were and understanding the look of things around them, Fr. Kobak’s interest in history, archeology and culture palpably kicked in. From the población he ventured in Barangay Ilawod. He took note of glazed potteries; but there was nothing more to it. He began to look up to the uplands of the municipality until he and his assistants trekked up their first mountain and entered their first cave: the nearby twin caves on Tutungan mountain in Barangay Bariw owned by the late Exequiel Vibar.

The team didn’t linger long in the area, as there was no sign of any archaeological promise. At this point, the convent boys had no clear idea about what Fr. Kobak was up to. This venture was a first in their experience; never had they been involved in searching for archaeological artifacts. They were uninitiated in even the basics of elementary archaeology. Nonetheless, they could all be proud of the patience and support they had shown toward Fr. Kobak.

Fr. Kobak was not disheartened with the experience in Bariw he instead appeared somewhat burning with curiosity on the other caves that dotted the uplands in the municipality’s southwestern quadrant.

“We did not enter just one cave. We got into not less than six caves,” Jun bared. The team entered one cave in Barangay Bariw, one cave in Barangay Taloto, one in Barangay Solong, two in Barangay Cotmon. Ruding remembers another cave in Palanog, the Quiburgo Cave. The two caves in Barangay Cotmon showed much promise. And it was here where Fr. Kobak concentrated his efforts.

We worked from January to March of 1973. We began at 8:00 in the morning and went back to the convent before lunch. We did this only on weekdays as Fr. Kobak had to attend to responsibilities in the church. On weekends he would celebrate Holy Mass.  Some of us too would serve as acolytes.” Jun continued. He found Fr. Kobak as maboot (gentle, gracious), maentremis (playful, jokesmith), maogma (jolly, genial)

Then Fr. Kobak came to know about Hoyop-hoyopan Cave. We wasted no time for an initial visit, Ruding remembers. Fr. Kobak took a long look at it. Studied it. In his own good time, he tried to find out if there is any or what story or mystery the cave could be keeping or hiding. In time he started scraping on the floor, poking on walls, peeping on tiny holes wherever they could be found.

“We observed him,” Jun also said. During our early tours, Fr. Kobak immediately warned us not to use shovels, hoes, iron bars, or any hard tools that could break, crush, fracture, or smash the objects on the ground or walls. Instead, we were instructed to use hand trowels and paint brushes. With that warning in mind, we became acutely aware of where we stepped, careful with our footsteps, as if there were eggs underfoot. Jun fondly adds, “We were careful with our footsteps, as if there were eggs on where our feet could fall. It was a strange sensation—like finding myself on shaky legs after years of certainty.”

“We, the ‘altar boys turned koron boys,’ followed Fr. Kobak’s direction with great enthusiasm. In January, we began meticulously scraping the floors and walls of Hoyop-hoyopan Cave, and we concluded our archaeological initiation in March of 1973,” Jun recalled.

HOYOP-HOYOPAN CAVE UNVEILS HIDDEN RICHES OF UNTOLD HISTORY

In only three months he discovered and gathered and presented to the people of Camalig and the whole world priceless treasures which for a very long time waited for someone who understands and appreciates archeology and cares about history, loves stories, and treasures memories.

Fr. Kobak found many ancient pottery, metal implements, human skeletal remains, e.g., forearm, forelimb, elbow bones; teeth, skull, buried on the floor, embedded on walls. He found teeth with gold pingins. He found figurines, tawo-tawo, made from hard clay encrusted in stalactites or stalagmites. Many of those tawo-tawo were already broken—some had missing limbs, feet, and torso but the heads remain, the faces were still whole although some were already deformed. There is one which survived time and the suffocating embrace of a stalactite. The torso is still preserved. It still had its limbs and feet, but the head is already lost.

“Fr. Kobak would gather those broken pieces so carefully as if they were so valuable, worth all the riches in this world. There were times when he would attach severed smaller parts to bigger parts to come up with a whole or near complete figurine.” Jun remembers.

Unknown to Jun, Fr. Kobak was also an expert “in restoring broken stoneware, earthenware, porcelain, dragon jars, and a whole lot of assorted archeological recoveries.” While in Samar, Fr. Kobak was able to restore three dragon jars. It is unfortunate that it is now near to impossible to identify which finds from Hoyop-hoyopan Cave have been restored by Fr. Kobak, that is, if the same have not been broken again and again, maybe.

Of all Fr. Kobak’s finds there is one figurine which remains whole, until this writing. It has a head, a torso, limbs, feet, and on its lap sits a small drum that looks like a tambor. Earlier studies have it that this figurine is an anito. At one time, Fr. Kobak called it as the “Huyuphuyupan anito.” He found this anito by the mouth of the cave. It was encrusted in a stalactite, as Fr. Kobak wrote.

“Most of the figurines we found were located some seven to ten meters away from the mouth (opening/entrance; karst, Australian) at the southern part of the cave. In fact, it was here where most of the valuable finds were located not at the north-eastern mouth or main mouth. It was in that area where I also found pieces of broken potteries,” Jun adds.

“I happened to find an unbroken pot encrusted in stalagmite. Inside it was a whole shell of a pincer of a freshwater crab (uluk, Camalig). This pot was in the area were figurines were also found. I also found a long bone of the forearm a little farther from the location of the pot, under the cave floor,” Ruding claimed.

Ruding couldn’t identify if it were an ulna or radius.  One thing Ruding also noticed in the cave at that time was the presence of stalactites and stalagmites joined into impressive columns. These are gone now.

When Fr. Kobak went to Hoyop-hoyopan Cave for the first time, Carl Sanchez Bordeos, Cuarator of the Samar Archaeological Museum and Research Director of the Cantius Kobak Research Center of Samar, shares the following account: “. . . he was able to notice right away on the floor of the cave evidence suspecting that it may have been a burial cave in ancient times. A decision was made to explore the walls of the cave on the following day by checking the outdoor surroundings and entrances and exits to the caves. Indeed, the cave was full of materials of ritual earthenware vessels, mostly broken, some burnt human bones, rusted iron implements, glass beads, and shell bracelets. None of the materials found contain porcelain, a fact that suggested that these items recovered by Fr. Kobak dated back to before 800 A.D., or even earlier.”

In the short time, about eight (8) months, that he stayed in the parish, Fr. Kobak opened a door that led to memories buried in unconsciousness and indifference. Nobody ever imagined that in the dark corners and damp floors and walls of Hoyop-hoyopan Cave lurk priceless memories and stories worth telling everyone who cares to listen. And notably worth retelling to the children of today.

FROM STONE TO STORY: AMANG DAYADAY RESURFACES!

Fr. Kobak wrote, “Checking the walls of the caves, there was evidence of jar shards encrusted to the wall and a sign that there was a great fire in the cave. Attempting some diggings against the walls yielded jars filled with human bones and lots of pottery all welded together because of fire. Making some preliminary diggings in the floor of the cave, there began to appear numerous earthenware jars, jarlets, plates of every shape and size imaginable. Also iron spears, weapons and knives along with many colored paste beads, shell beads and some gold beads.”

Still on the brief explorations of the Kobak team, Bordeos wrote: “Removing a large stalactite, Fr. Kobak and with some of his team from the town of Camalig, they were able to discover jarlets enveloped in them. Not far from the entrance of the cave, after removing the calcite encrustation, they found embedded earthenware images which they had to chisel out. They were successful in recovering three complete images with fierce, ugly, frightening features. Several others had the heads and bodies separated or broken up. One of the earthenware pieces which was complete was an image in a sitting position with a seeming drum or an agung on his lap. This ancient image was wearing a pudong or an ancient headdress, with large protruding ears, some sort of a ritual anito or diwata.”

Among the important historical and archeological finds of Fr. Kobak in Hoyop-hoyopan Cave were the figurines, mostly two to two and a half inches (2” – 2.5”) tall, believed to be anitos, some as tawo–tawo.

Historian William Henry Scott has it that an anito, also spelled anitu, refers to ancestor spirits, nature spirits, and deities in the indigenous Philippine folk religions from the precolonial age to the present, although the term itself may have other meanings and associations depending on the Filipino ethnic group. It can also refer to carved humanoid figures, the taotao, made of wood, stone, or ivory, that represent these spirits.

The figurine discovered at the southern entrance of the cave, referred to by Fr. Kobak as the ‘Huyuphuyopan Anito,’ remained intact as of 2017 (as observed by this writer). It featured a complete set of head, arms, hands, legs, and feet, and a small drum resting on its lap.”

In the countless years that passed, including typhoons, floods, earthquakes, and other calamities, natural or manmade, count in wars and destructive activities committed inside and outside the cave, include also communal indifference and lassitude, and not to be forgotten was the big fire in the cave that Fr. Kobak mentioned, this figurine victoriously survived. It remained intact. Could it be that it was superiorly crafted with materials of sterling quality? Or was the process or technology observed of the finest grade that it can bear varying degrees of heat or humidity obtaining in the place where it was and it is now located? Well, what was the effect of the stalactite where it was embedded? Was there any element in the stalactite that helped preserve the object?

These figurines are in the care of Camalig’s St. John the Baptist Parish Church authorities, in a makeshift “museum.” There have been various attempts to study these figurines. Photographs of these items have already been published. But the studies as well as the pictures published remain wrapped with many unanswered questions. The photographs are not even clear.

In Jose Calleja Reyes’ Bikol Maharlika, it is mentioned that this figurine, which is still intact, is possibly a representation of of Ganesha, a mythological Hindu deity. They are similar in form, the author maintains. Ganesha’s head is like that of an elephant. He is readily identified by his elephant head and four arms. He is widely revered, more specifically, as the remover of obstacles and bringer of good luck; the patron of arts and sciences; and the deva of intellect and wisdom.

If the figurine unearthed by Fr. Kobak will be intently looked at, it could be clearly established that its head hardly resembles that of an elephant. It can be observed though that one part of the head, the ears, were not molded “properly,” it is bigger than normal. Also, the nose appears to have been clamped up and elongated thus a quick glance can yield an image of an abbreviated elephant trunk. The positions of the arms and hands of the “Huyuphuyopan anito” are far different from those of Ganesha. There is no drum, small or big, sitting on the lap of Ganesha.

Incidentally, Ganesha is also known as Ganapati, Vinikaya, and Pillaiyar. The image or picture of Ganesha can be found not only in India but also in Sri Lanka and Nepal. It is believed that the worship of Ganesha started in the 4th and 5th century during the Gupta Period in India.

If what Fr. Kobak called as Huyuphuyopan anito is not Ganesha or a representation of Ganesha, then who is it or what is it?

As Fr. Kobak said: The figurine was seated, as if on a floor, with a small drum, tambor or agung, on his lap. It had a putung or pudong, an ancient headgear. Its big ears very visible. Fr. Kobak also remarked that the figurine looks like a diwata which Fray Francisco Ignacio Alcina, SJ called as “Amondayaday” or ”Aman Dayaday” or “Amang Dayaday.” . Fr. Kobak forwards the idea that the figurine could have been used in a worship ritual or that was a kind of diwata. Could the pot with the pincer of a freshwater crab which Rodrigo O. Salomon found in the area where Fr. Kobak located the “Huyuphuyupan anito,” be of help in determining whether rituals were performed in this area of the cave?

In modern times, a diwata is a nature spirit or a fairy that is often a steward over a certain mountain or piece of land. In ancient Filipino culture, the diwata or anito was the dominant concept in the various religions throughout the archipelago. The anito concept was prominent in Luzon, while the diwata prevailed in the Visayas and Mindanao.

Unfortunately, Fr. Kobak did not carry a longer discussion about the figurines he unearthed in Hoyop-hoyopan Cave. That account of Fr. Kobal appeared in the Philippine Sacra, Tomo 37 (2002). Amang Dayaday was one of three figurines that Fr. Kobak gathered from one piece of calcite encrustation. Amang Dayaday was the only one which remained intact. The rest had broken or with missing parts, thus hard to identify.

If the figurine is Amang Dayaday, what could that mean? Fray Mateo Sanchez, SJ, in his Bocabulario de la lengua Bisaya had a definition for “Amandayaday.” On the other hand Fray Marcos Lisboa, OFM, in his dictionary wrote that the figurine “Amang Dayaday” is a tango or a small, molded image which was popularly done in the ancient times. Fr. Kobak added that Amang Dayaday seemed like a diwata. A diwata could be male or female. Fr. Kobak thought that Amang Dayaday was a male diwata.

We know what ama means but how should we understand dayaday? In the dictionary of Mintz and Britanico, dayaday is defined as “frequently, often.” Well, that is not even what is meant by dayaday as used in today’s everyday language. The Catholic church frequently uses dayaday, thus, “Dayaday an pagkamoot kan Kagurangnan.” In English, “Constant love of the Lord.” Far different from Mintz and Britanico’s “frequently, often.” How did the ancient natives then understand dayaday? Could it have been similar to the understanding of the Spanish friars?

 There have been studies on “amun dai hadi,” “Amandayaday,” and “Amang Dayaday.” Among those who studied this subject were the priests Alcina, Castaño, Sanchez (Spaniards), Kobak (Polish/American), the Anthropologist Dr. Casiño (Filipino), the Archeologist Dr. Ragragio (Bikolana/Filipino), and others. Nevertheless, doubts and diffidence still abound. This writer is apprehensive that perhaps the clay figurine of Amang Dayaday would already crumble and turn to dry dust without the studies or stories getting firm and conclusive enough. In fact, today no one appears to be performing studies on Amang Dayaday. Forgotten. Sadly, when Albayanos celebrate, for instance, Magayon Festival, the anitos put on display or made part of performances are those of the Igorot’s bulul. Nobody seems to know about Bikol’s, rightly, Albay’s Amang Dayaday.

Let us take a look at selected passages in the story about ”amon dia hadi” written by Fray Alcina:

“After having cast the lot of Abiug and Tari, each one separately, as we have already mentioned, to learn one’s fortune, a number of them, men and women, would gather. Then they would go out to the seashore, carrying unless it was there beforehand, an evil-looking creature, rather rough, crude and made from a tree which is called here dapdap and which is also a substitute for cork. This image they called ’amun dai hadi’; it was a fierce-looking man who had one of his hands on the breast and the other on his lower parts, as if covering them. This, they said, was the diwata of the lazy ones; people who do no work and simply go about roaming around. The position of the hands symbolized the effects of idleness; the hand on the breast signified scheming thefts and deceits, while the hand on the privates symbolized lasciviousness and immorality. Whenever they wished to hold a great celebration, they cast lots before this image. So that they may have good fortune, they adorned it with much gold and other decorations. All ate and drank copiously, frolicked and danced about, for this is how they always brought their feasts to an end. Finally, they would strip the wretched idol of its gold and and would return to their houses, hoping that they would have good luck through him who was the Diwata of the miserable, the idle, and the immoral ones.”

– Alcina, co-trans Kobak, 2002

That was what Fray Alcina knew from the Visayas. He was also the first foreigner to recognize “amun dai hadi.” In the language of the Camalignung, Eastern Miraya, the anito found by Fr. Kobak would be called “Amang Dayaday” not “amun dai hadi” as the Bisayans had it. Nevertheless, they would also have “Amang Dayaday in English as “Father of the Vagabond.” Incidentally, it should be noted that the image of “amun dai hadi” was carved in dapdap wood which is soft and couldn’t last for a long time while “Amang Dayaday” was molded from hard clay and which is still intact to the present.

In the Bocabulario de la lengua Bisaya of Fray Matheo Sanchez, S.J., there was mention of an “Amandayaday.” Sanchez wrote that “Amandayaday” was a diwata carved from wood, whose face and body were ugly, a symbol for people with physical deformities. This seems to be a far different version from the idol earlier described by Fray Alcina.

In a study by Bikolano archaeologist, Dr. Andrea Malaya M. Ragragio, it was mentioned that the artifacts found by Fr. Kobak seem to be used for rituals for the dead due to the presence of human remains, ritual equipment such as small tibor (clay jar), koron-koron (clay pots), and open-bottomed vessels. In her study it came out that the figurines found were possibly adornments for covers of burial jars. The figurines were molded separately from the jar covers and were conveniently appended a little later. She also reported that the figurines, particularly those which were still intact, including the Huyuphuyopan anito, show accentuated body parts, sometimes parts of the breast or stomach, to indicate that the figurines were appended in a standing or sitting position (upright position). And because the figurines were placed on the covers of the jars, they have connection with the dead.

Bikolano historians Jose Calleja Reyes and Dr. Danilo Gerona view the figurines found in Hoyop-hoyopan Cave as a kind of lagdong ensconced in significant places where the people gathered to perform some rituals.

Fray Marcos Lisboa, OFM, in his Vocabulario de la lengua Bicol defines lagdong as a small image to which the babaylan or baylana make offerings or sacrifices. Those images or figurines were small enough to fit in a basket which were called “lagdongan.” On the other hand, Fray Castaño presents lagdong as a figurine representing the spirits of departed ancestors.

Dr. Eric Casiño estimates that the anito found in Hoyop-hoyopan Cave came to be between 400 – 1000 AD, part of the Metal Age of the Philippines. This is also according to a 1973 report of the Philippine National Museum. That report also mentioned that the pottery and figurines found in Hoyop-hoyopan Cave were “locally made pottery.”

Dr. Danilo M. Gerona remarked that the finds of Fr. Kobak proves that Camalig already had settlers in the early part of 200 BC until 900 AD, the period known as “Iron Age in the Philippines.” It can also be mentioned at this juncture that the barangay, Cotmon, where Hoyop-hoyopan Cave is located is one of the five settlements in the municipality which predated the arrival of the Spanish conquistadores by hundreds if not thousands of years. They already had their own brand of civilization. The other settlements being Tondol, Miti, Baligang, and Quilaponte (now Bongabong).

ANITO OR NOT? WHEN THE PAST WHISPERS BACK

What then is Amang Dayaday, anito or not? If we go by the studies conducted, what Fr. Kobak calls as Huyuphuyopan anito is really an anito if anito is to be understood as a representation of an ancestor’s spirit or that the figurine is also taken or believed as a kagurangnan or deity. If indeed Dr. Ragragio is undoubtedly correct in finding the figurine to be part of funeral ritual—especially in the presence of a burial jar—then there is no mistaking that the figurine is an anito. Besides, Fr. Kobak is of the belief that the area where the figurines were discovered could have been a burial site. In fact, he called the figurine, anito.

As to the comparison between Amang Dayaday and the Hindu deity Ganesha, the two are far different from each other. The nose of Amang Dayadayy hardly approximates the trunk of an elephant. This is easily discernible as the head of Ganesha is that of an elephant unlike that of Amang Dayaday which is of human form or anthropomorphic. Ganesha’s is of animal form or zoomorphic. Another, there is no evidence that the ancient Camalignung ever worshipped Hindu gods or deities. There are two words in the local dialect which can be related to worship, and which could be of Sanskrit-Malay origin. These are “batala” and “diwata.” These are terms applied to indigenous animistic figures. These words only prove that the natives then were unaware of whatever god or deity people outside of their community or settlement worshipped even if later they would incorporate “batala” and “diwata” in their vocabulary. These words are still in the people’s word-stock.

The anito found in Hoyop-hoypan Cave doesn’t match up with Aman Dayaday of the Bisayans even if Fr. Kobak says that they have similarities. A big difference is immediately discernible. Fray Alcina noted that the Bisayan figurine had one hand on his breast and the other on his privates. The huyuphuyupan anito had his arms away from his breast or privates but on an item that looks like a small drum sitting on his lap.

The huyuphuyupan anito had a putung. Fr. Kobak mentioned some things about putung. Putung was used to signify the status that a male wearer enjoys in the society. If the putung  is made of high-quality materials, classy color hues, finished with excellent craftsmanship, the onlooker can be assured that the person who wears it is highly placed. Now, what Fr. Kobak found had a putung, therefore he was undoubtedly male. Did he belong to the upper social echelon? His putung can’t tell anything about that. It was made of clay and had no color.

Fr. Kobak took note of what looks like a small drum which could be a tambor or agung (mungmungan in old Bikol) on the lap of the figurine. That mungmungan adds an idea on the figurine’s identity. The thing that sits on the lap of the figurine could not be a stone or a mislaid clay or molding material. They have no part or use in a ritual. They also have no relevance to the stature that the represented personality of the figurine enjoys in society. It would be easier to understand that the item on the figurine’s lap is a kind of an instrument or tool. What could be the musical instrument that was conveniently available and commonly in use at that time of history? This should also be understood if we take into consideration the descriptions forwarded by Fr. Kobak.

If that thing on the lap of the figurine is a mungmungan then there would be a need for another instrument, the baktol. The baktol is a piece or pair of wooden sticks used to produce sounds on the mungmungan. But it looks as if the thing on the figurine’s lap is made to produce sound or music by using the hands. In this case, the thing could be a small tambor or drum. Fray Lisboa claims that the ancient Bikols had five different kinds of drums. The biggest kind was called patong, next to this would be the gimbal; then the long lanod; karatong also called tamboril or tambor comes next, this would be small; tamadong comes in last. Fray Lisboa did not describe tamadong, no measurements were provided.

Given the size of the object resting on the figurine’s lap, it could not be a patong or lanod. Even gimbal seems uncertain. However, when gimbal is used to describe its powerful sound, it may appear like this:

Bagáng pigagimbal an lawód.
(As if the sea is being pounded like a gimbal.)

This likens the sea to a massive bass drum, struck with such force that it generates immense, unruly waves. The comparison implies that something is actively producing the gimbal’s resonant sound—bare hands alone cannot achieve its expected effect. From this, we might infer that the object on the figurine’s lap could, in fact, be a karatong.

The Bisayans made use of kalatong, a kind of drum made out of bamboo. Kalatong was used when the babaylan dances. The Tagalogs also use a kalatong, a kind of drum (“caja”) which uses dried goat hide for drumhead.

The ancient Bikols’ karatong had more similarities with that of the Tagalog’s kalatong than the kalatong of the Bisayans. The only similarity between the Bikol karatong and the Bisayan kalatong was that they were both used to accompany the babaylan in a ritual dance. It comes to be then that the Huyuphuyopan anito used a karatong or tambor by beating it with his hands. This kind of drum was used during gatherings or when the community celebrated an occasion or event with the babaylan being present. It is then possible that the figurine represents the spirit of a tambor player. It is possible too that the figurine is a representation of a deity of musicians.

The Huyuphuyopan anito then could hardly be similar to “Aman Dayaday,” the Father of Vagabonds or the lazy or the worthless or the asinine. In other words, Fr. Kobak’s Huyuphuyopan anito had its own character, its own personality.

Anent the age of the anito, we can get some ideas if we study the age of the other finds of Fr. Kobak. In a brief report about his discoveries in Hoyop-hoyopan, he said: In the initial digs on the floor of Hoyop-hoyopan, small and large pottery, jars and jarlets were found. These were made of clay. There were also plate-like utensils in different measurements. Also found were spears with metal blades, knives, and other implements used as arms. Together with those artifacts were beads that had different colors. There was even one made of gold. When one stalactite fell, encrusted jarlets also broke loose.

“We found beads not only in Hoyop-hoyopan Cave but also in ‘Halangkaw’ Cave, located about one and half kilometers south of Hoyop-hoyopan. It was Fr. Kobak who called it ‘Halangkaw’ because we had to ascend some sloping areas as the cave sits on top of a hill. It’s a small one, one chamber, in fact. May be 20 meters in width, 30 meters in length. The floor is dry, dusty, gritty. No stalactite nor stalagmite. Very large for a grotto but grotto-like, as it were. “Fr. Kobak found beads in the place. We then gathered soil from the cave floor and put them into sacks and hauled them back to the convent where we sifted the soil to gather the beads,” Ruding Salomon reminisced.

 In other words, beads were found in two places: Hoyop-hoyopan Cave and Halangkaw Cave. There were no specifics where certain kinds of beads were found.

Archeologist Robert Fox said that metal implements, and glass beads or beads made from tree sap or paste/elimi came out at about 500 BC, the early part of the Metal Age. At that period too, beads made of crystals became popular in the country. It is hard to accept that the figurine of the Huyuphuyopan anito was made at the dawning of 200 BC especially if the period of time the other archeological finds in other parts of the Bikol Region are to be reckoned with. 

The artifacts, together with the metal implements and crystal beads found in Tigkiw na Saday, Gubat, Sorsogon are deemed to have been made beginning 200 BC until 200 AD. At the Bato Cave, Bacon, Sorsogon and the earliest finds in a cave in Cagraray Island, Bacacay, Albay there were yet no metal implements or crystal beads. What were found were clay pot, jars and jarlets, plate-like clay utensils said to be of the Kalanay category. The age of those finds was placed to be from 0 until 300 AD.

In Pilar, Sorsogon, metal implements and crystal beads were also found. The dates for those finds began with 300 until about 800 AD. The age of the finds in Hoyop-hoyopan Cave, according to reports, is similar to those in Pilar, Sorsogon. As Dr. Casiño would have it, the age of those artifacts would be from 400 until 1000 AD.

The metal implements unearthed in Hoyop-hoyopan Cave show that the ancient inhabitants of Camalig were already engaged in some economic undertakings. They knew how to catch, trap games (hunting), they tended their plants (farming), they were engaged in some undertaking that demanded skills (craftsmanship). It could be that they were already engaged in armed encounters with neighboring tribes or settlers, thus they possessed some “military” exercises, exploits, and implements needed to succeed in an armed combat. Their metal tipped spears, other arms made of metal, their crystal beads were also used as grave markers for either deceased male or female.

The artifacts found by Fr. Kobak appear to be different. Other finds in other places in the Bikol Region bear no resemblance to those from Hoyop-hoyopan, the anito as well as the other anthropomorphic figurines. Incidentally, one of the figurines found by Fr. Kobak have what appears to be a crown. That figurine unfortunately has missing parts. There’s also one which looks like an extraterrestrial. What could those figurines be? What do they signify?

The Hoyop-hoyopan figurine that is still intact, the anito, could be a symbol for the spirituality of the ancient Camalignung, that early in their history. This can be gleaned especially in their animistic practices. This is also proof if not an exhibition of their skill in the art of creating tawo-tawo which brings out a human representation in the different art forms they were acquainted with. This is one priceless cultural treasure of Albayanos, of Bikolanos. This is likewise one interesting unit of Albay or Bikol history that calls out for more engrossed scholarly studies.

The significance of Amang Dayaday will be better appreciated if the beliefs and what were believed by the pre-Hispanic Camalignungs are better understood especially that no chapel, church, temples or any human-constructed structure or edifice for worship were found by the Spaniards, unlike in Mexico.

Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora, OFM commented that the ancient Bikols had no knowledge of religion, they were one tamquam tabula rasa, a blank page. They had no concept of God, no organized concept of worship. In fact, they had no sense of government; they had neither king nor castle, “ni rey ni roque,” Fray Zamora added.

The Franciscan missionaries who became the pastors of the Bikols were one in observing that the latter readily took to conjury, perfidy, and the deviousness of the devil as they were likewise steeped in superstition. In the view of those friars, the ancient Bikols’ worship was latched on to the spirit of their departed ancestors, the anitos. That was why they molded, carved, engraved, and whittled figurines to represent the spirits of their departed ascendants or sometimes descendants. Their form of worship is what is now popularly known as nag-aanito: the offering of sacrifices, oftentimes capped with indulgent consumption of alcoholic drinks.

Fray Lisboa also noted that the figurines which were idolized were also called diwata. In his estimation, the figurines, small or large, were molded, carved, or whittled, were either a lagdong, pararangpan, tangô, tatawo, or tinatawo. He did not give or mention names of spirits or deities or one supreme god. However, he had a list of some so-called “guardian spirits” or “mga demonyo.” Also included in his list were alagad, gugurang, okot, and so is bathala.

Lisboa wrote, “According to them one anito can bring luck or fortune to whoever receives his interest.” Thus, when one cannot be hit by anything thrown at him, he is said to be batalaan. Somebody is protecting him. Clearly, there is a distinct difference in the beliefs of the natives and the Spaniards. The Spaniards found so much uncanniness in many practices of the ancient natives.

It did not take long, even still at the time of Lisboa, to observe changes in the perception of what the names of anitos signified. For instance, alagad would no longer be used to refer to spirits but to one who would be a constant companion. Lalala would now be understood to mean the state of plant life in a farm and no longer the original offering of a pig on the grave of a departed relative.

To avoid getting sick or suffering from an infirmity, the ancient Camalignungs relied much on their anito. If ever they got sick or suffered any adversity, they implore their anito for relief or succor. A lady who belonged to the upper social stratum, especially gifted with pulchritude, and who got sick because she ventured into an open field or a farm or an unfamiliar territory, she must have been nadaay. A man who gets a tattoo but has not defeated or killed an enemy in battle, would either get sick seriously or even die. The cure for that would be sibong, a rite that would cleanse him of his depraved pretention. A dawat or violent storm would wreck the community should blood relatives, especially parent and child, engage in sexual congress.

Amang Dayaday was not a mere tawo-tawo. Ancient Camalignungs seriously took him for and called him an anito. Anito was a commonly accepted name for the beliefs and the objects of those beliefs. It was also used to pay homage to spirits other than those of their departed ancestors. It also encompasses the figurines idolized or worshipped inside their dwellings. The dryads, nimpa and diwata, were likewise regarded as anito.

Our ancient ancestors kept figurines representing spirits they thought were necessary and deserving of their praise and reverence. Those spirits were sources of guidance and succor in the face of difficulties and want. It is from them that they sought protection and deliverance from tough luck and adversity, affliction and agony.

In these modern times, we Catholic Camalignungs and other Bikols who are like us are perhaps unaware that we still perform the practices of our ancient ancestors in our rites of worship inside our churches, ermita, and inside our homes.

Take a close look at your altar somewhere in your sala or bedroom, how many “anitos” are ensconced there? Ah, we no longer call them anito. During moments of worship inside the church some practices in the faraway past are being done. Observe the number of persons who kiss or wipe their handkerchiefs on the images of saints, Jesus Christ, Virgin Mary, Saint John, even angels whose names only the sculptor remembers. Even dusty and grimy paintings and bas reliefs on walls are not spared from kisses and wipes. Couldn’t the singing and dancing be traced from the spectacular worship rites of the babaylan? Anyway, we now have a pleasant-sounding phrase for these present practices: Folk Catholicism. Nag-aanito is now for “historians” only.

The ancient Camalignungs bear no blatant difference from those who also lived during their time. They were also steeped in animism (anima, Latin). They believed in the elements that have breath, spirit, and life. In animism it is believed thar even those not human like animals, plants, and inanimate objects have spirit or spiritual essence.

Animism was used in the anthropological study of religion, especially in the examination of the worship systems observed by the ancient tribes particularly during the period when there was no organized religion yet. Every culture possesses their own unique mythology and rituals; animism is said to be the spirit which blows breath to myths and rituals. This is also the all-encompassing spirit that gave life to ancient culture. As such, it can be concluded that the ancient Camalignungs had their own brand of culture. They had beliefs and objects of those beliefs. They had ideas.

Animism is one of the so-called anthropological constructs formulated by Sir Edward Burnett Tylor at the dusk of the19th century. This is one of the earliest concepts in anthropology observed until this time.

The figurine of Amang Dayaday gives breath to the practices, beliefs, in fact, burgeoning culture, of the ancient Camalignungs during their time. Undoubtedly, Amang Dayaday is one Camalignung anito which for a long time had no name, unknown; refused to be known. It has yet to find space and time in the modern Camalignungs’ search for identity, history, even curiosity. Until this time Amang Dayaday retains so much of its unexplored distinctiveness.

It could have been best if the study on Amang Dayaday doesn’t end with Fr. Kobak. In his Hoyop-hoyopan finds were other figurines, pottery, metal implements, beads, human remains, teeth with pingins which are gathering dust, becoming brittle with time and inattention. Lost to philistinism and naivete. These also remain to be studied. Now. Or time will execute its final verdict.

The modern day Camalignung should earnestly face up to the challenge of performing scholarly undertakings started by Fr. Kobak. Perhaps there are still mysteries waiting to be unearthed in Hoyop-hoyopan Cave or in the over thirty caves that dot the town of Camalig.

Who knows if the darkness in one of these caves hides a brightness that can be treasured in many places, by many people. Consider the fact that Fr. Kobak worked in only three months in two caves only. Yet he came up with astonishing finds.

NOTES ON FR. CANTIUS J. KOBAK, OFM

Fr. Kobak also researched and wrote about the Bisayan Rebellion of 1649-1650, which started in Palapag, now a municipality in Northern Samar province. The Bisayan Revolt was led by Agustin Sumuroy, hence, this is also popularly known as the Sumuroy Rebellion. It may be considered as the first major rebellion to burst wide open during the first eighty-four-year (84) period of Hispanization and evangelization of the Philippine Islands. The uprising was very extensive, widespread and held the Island of Samar alone for one full year and some three months. On a Tuesday evening, June 1, 1649, two days before the Solemnity of Corpus Christi, Sumuroy plunged his murderous javelin through the heart of Fr. Miguel Ponce Barberan, initiating a revolt which would steadily gain momentum of unmanageable magnitude. In Catubig, another municipality in Northern Samar province, Sumuroy murdered and martyred the saintly Fr. Vicente Damian. This rebellion spread to the town of Bacor (today the Can-avid Dolores region) and Taft in Eastern Samar and inspired other rebellions in Leyte, Sorsogon, Albay, Camarines, Masbate, Cebu, and the entire coast of Northern Mindanao.

Fr. Kobak’s efforts on the Alcina Historia 1668 and the story of the Sumuroy Rebellion would undoubtedly be two of his several finest gifts that Samar has been bestowed with.

As for Camalig and the Camalignung, Fr. Kobak remains both a challenge and an inspiration. His abbreviated stay in the St. John the Baptist Parish (October 18, 1972 to May 6, 1973) was both a big loss and a somber lesson.

He is a challenge because in only a period of eight months he showed the people of Camalig that with knowledge and interest, rich remnants of a once cryptic past were breathed with life again to paint wide smiles on the people’s faces, fill their chests with pride.

Fr. Kobak remains an enduring inspiration; There he was, a foreigner, dedicating himself to safeguarding a treasure that many locals did not take measures to protect against the elements. Although he did not fully explore Hoyop-hoyopan Cave, his achievements should serve as a catalyst for the people of Camalig to embark on their own creative endeavors. The quest for identity and pride in one’s heritage should not end where Fr. Kobak laid down his archaeologist’s trowel and brush.

Had he stayed longer in the parish, what other wonderful discoveries might he have uncovered? His initial findings should already serve as an eye-opener for the people of Camalig. Much remains for us to continue doing. The lessons are too obvious not to attract public interest.

The header images and the featured photos are by the author, Raffi Banzuela. The others are as credited.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

RAFFI BANZUELA (Rafael A. Banzuela Jr.) is an essayist, fictionist, poet, translator, historian. He studied at the Divine Word College and Aquinas University of Legazpi; taught at the Bicol University and Aquinas University; and did stints in government work, journalism, and radio broadcasting. His radio program “Satuya Ini” (This Is Ours) was named the Best Program Promoting Culture and the Arts, Radio Provincial Area category, at the 8th KBP Golden Dove Awards. 

His published works also include: Selebra (Celebrate), 2011, a collection of poems, and Albay Viejo (Old Albay), 2010, a collection of prose works on Albay. His recent book for Bansay Bikolnon is a mini biography of Potenciano V. Gregorio Sr., the composer of the song Sarong Banggi. He also edited works by known Bikol poets and an anthology by young writers. He was honored with these awards: Outstanding Albayano Artist (Literary Arts) in 2013; the NCCA Writers’ Prize in 2013; Gawad Pambansang Alagad ni Balagtas in 2015 by the Unyon ng nga Manunulat ng Pikipinas; and Gawad Kampeon ng Wika by the Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino in 2017. 

Fellow Bicol writers look up to Banzuela as living proof that writing in Bicol can persevere. His writing, rooted in his love for Bicol, is notable for his rich vocabulary and blend of reminiscence, folktale, history, and essay, sharpened by untiring historical research.

REFERENCES

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• Alcina, Francisco Ignacio (trans. Fr. Lucio Gutierrez, OP and Fr.Cantius J. Kobak, OFM. 2004. History of the Bisayan people in the Philippine islands, evangelization, and culture at the contact period=Historia de las islas e indios de Bisaya . . . 1668 Part One, Book 2, vol, 2. Manila: UST Publishing House.
• Banzuela, Raffi. 2016. Camalig: historya, istorya, memo. Legazpi City: J & E Printing Press.
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• Fox, Robert. 1970. The Tabon Caves: archaeological explorations and excavations on Palawan Island, Philippines. Manila: National Museum
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• Scott, William Henry. 1984. Prehispanic source materials for the study of Philippine history. Quezon City: New Day Publishers
• Scott, William Henry. 1994. Barangay: Sixteenth Century Philippine culture and society. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 
• Tylor, Edward B. Primitive culture V2: Researches into the development of mythology, philosophy, religion, language, art and custom, 2014, https://books.google. com.ph/books?i sbn=1498095364 Edward B. Tylor-2014 (February 16, 2017; 6 pm).