(Editors’ Note: This scholarly article is based on Leo Paulo Imperial’s master’s thesis, titled “Tracking the Inland Shift of Mobility in the Early Twentieth-Century Naga through the History of the Albert Louis Ammen Transportation Company (Alatco),” for the completion of his MA History degree at the Ateneo de Manila University in 2021. First published in Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints, Ateneo de Manila University, 2021. Subsequently published in Project MUSE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland, 2021. We publish herein the article in its entirety, except the footnote references for brevity’s sake and in two parts – Part 1 previously in our May edition and now Part 2 in our June edition)

PART 2

The Alatco Transforming Naga and the Rest of Bicol

The modernizing process that accompanied the progress of the Alatco’s operation was closely related to the American colonial notion that changes in mobility would also bring about changes in Philippine society. These supposed achievements were apparent in the demographic shifts, political integration, economic ventures, and urban transformation that occurred in the Bicol Region.

Rapid population growth in twentieth-century Bicol can be construed as a response to political consolidation and economic activities that went hand-in-glove with transport development (US Bureau of the Census 1905, 27-29; Philippine Islands Census Office 1921a, 101; Gerona 2003, 104). The Alatco’s operations had a crucial influence on the demographic changes and urban advancement in the region. Its services aided and enhanced the regular movement of people coming from various towns in Bicol to abaca-producing districts, for occupational and eventually relocation purposes, which resulted in intensive and extensive agricultural land use and apparent shifts in the populations of Albay, Ambos Camarines, and Sorsogon (ACCJ 1939d, 11-16; Gerona 2003, 104). Moreover, the development of inland transportation supported the emergence of new municipalities and the consolidation of Bicol provinces (Gerona 2012a, 96-101; 2013, 90-97; Totanes 2000, 435-38). Urban and interprovincial transportation had a decisive role in how and which towns and cities would develop. The geographical reach of the new road networks determined the most convenient locations for both locals and migrants from other towns and provinces to work and live in. The interprovincial operation of the Alatco played a significant role in the demographic shifts in Bicol. With a well-established road network passing through agricultural districts and an efficient Alatco bus line operation, more municipalities emerged in Bicol, and the movement of people and distribution of goods in Albay, Ambos Camarines, and Sorsogon became more consistent than before.

The Alatco strategically positioned its terminals and devised its routes to service the abaca-producing districts of Ambos Camarines and Albay. As the demand for abaca fibers reached its peak in the early decades of the American period, Albay and Ambos Camarines attracted people seeking better opportunities. By 1918 the Alatco serviced and designed travel routes that traversed the highly populated abaca-producing towns of Buhi, Iriga, Lagonoy, San Jose, and Tigaon in Ambos Camarines and the towns of Guinobatan, Tabaco, and Ligao in Albay (ACCJ 1926a, 8). Its route planning reacted to the pattern of economic activities taking place in the region.

Aside from the abaca industry, the lumber business was one of the most profitable ventures in Bicol by the second decade of the twentieth century. The combined assets of logging firms in Camarines Sur and Camarines Norte were worth P7.2 million in 1939. The lumber trade in the region necessitated a large labor force, which in that same year was composed of nearly 4,000 workers (Owen 1984, 170). The Alatco’s service enabled the easy movement of laborers from their homes to the warehouses or hardware stores situated in Naga and the lumber factories located in various areas of Camarines Sur and Camarines Norte. Among the popular hardware shops in Naga were Marsman Development Co., an American company, and Mariano Villafuerte’s Villasol Lumber Mill (Gerona 2003, 103).

The development of transportation facilities did not only benefit the abaca industry and bring opulence to the abaca-producing towns of Camarines Sur and Albay, but it also enabled the mining industry in Paracale and Mambulao in Camarines Norte to prosper when the road networks and transport services and infrastructures were extended to these two mining towns (Freer 1906, 217–30; ACCJ 1939e, 27–29). As a result of the road expansion, by 1915 inland transportation could access Paracale and Mambulao, creating an atmosphere favorable to mining investment prospects. In 1916 American and Japanese investors and companies began to examine the mining sites. The earliest mining companies in the province included the Japanese firm Kihara Mining Company, San Mauricio Mines, Mambulao Placer Company, and companies known to the natives as Teddy, Johnsons, and La Fortuna (ACCJ 1938b, 24–35; Gerona 2012b, 108–16).

The Alatco was instrumental in transporting people in search of employment to the sprouting mining companies in Paracale and Mambulao. By 1920 the mining operations were in full swing and required hundreds of workers. Prior to the mining boom, the Alatco just had one bus station in Camarines Norte. Thus, to give people access to the mining sites, the Alatco constructed bus stations in Vinzons, Paracale, and Mambulao (ACCJ 1939e, 27-29; Gerona 2012b, 108-16). Hence, passengers seeking jobs in the mining firms coming from Sorsogon and Albay could take an Alatco bus and directly alight at the mining towns. The Alatco’s services made the remote agricultural and mining districts of Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, and Albay accessible to the native workforce. Workers could conveniently commute back and forth from their homes and work sites.

Towns near Naga, specifically, Camaligan, Gainza, San Fernando, Pamplona, and Pasacao, likewise profited from the presence of inland transportation. Pasacao was the port of entry for goods and laborers destined for Naga and other towns in Camarines Sur. Individual traders from distant barrios of the said towns had a chance to transport a substantial amount of their local harvest to be sold to their respective town centers, and even a bulk of the local produce was sold in Naga (Gerona 2015, 117–18). Thus, the Alatco supported the travel of workers and products not only within but also into and out of municipalities in the region.

By 1930 industries that catered to transport facilities emerged in Naga. In an area near Tabuco Bridge, a Chinese businessman named Yu Kiw operated one of the earliest gasoline stations. The gas station also sold car parts and accessories. Around the same time, the Naga Auto Repair Shop, owned by a certain Mr. Aragon, became a popular repair shop in town and supplied car parts to the Alatco (Gerona 2003, 116). Nevertheless, exuberant commerce did not occur exclusively in Naga. In the same decade, new commercial firms that decided to share in the prosperity of Albay continued the trend of improved services and availability of new commodities in the province.

Apart from transport-related industries, Alatco’s rise expanded the customer reach of specialized commercial establishments. For instance, Bicolanos in different parts of the region now had access to public and private hospitals in Legazpi, which was the acknowledged center of medical health care in the region. Moreover, two of the most popular hospitals were also in the town of Legazpi: the Santa Teresita, owned by Esteban Ante, and the Presbyterian Hospital. Furthermore, people from nearby towns could buy Spanish vintage wines, American chocolates, and other imported goods sold in El Barato, the best-stocked grocery in Legazpi, and the Gutierrez Hermanos shop (Gerona 2012a, 125–33).

The positive effects of roadbuilding and transport motorization were not felt uniformly in the region, as other sectors of society did not benefit from the new forms of mobility. This case was evident when the Alatco buses displaced the nonmotorized vehicles. In general, the Alatco’s operations led to the marginalization of nonmotorized modes, a process that was not just technological in nature but political as well due to the institutional advantages enjoyed by the newer vehicles. Buses serviced more passengers and charged less than horse-drawn modes of transport did, and this disparity in fare rates made horse-drawn vehicles unviable businesses. The perception of the insular government toward traditional transport modes was a clear indication of the institutional bias against nonmotorized vehicles. The colonial administration characterized horse-drawn vehicles as a menace to road maintenance. Traffic regulations and ordinances amplified the marginalization of horse-drawn vehicles by hindering the further utilization of animal-drawn contraptions on concrete roads (Forbes 1920, 108-9). With the intervention of the government, motorized vehicles were given priority in the use of first-class roads.

Commonwealth Rules on Capital and Franchise Renewal

Eventually, stricter government regulations on public service certifications confronted the Alatco’s management. The Alatco encountered pressure from state laws on franchise renewal and certifications to operate, especially during the time of the Commonwealth government, the administrative body that ruled the Philippines from 1935 to 1946 (but was a government-in-exile during the Second World War) and was planned as a transitional institution in preparation for the country’s attainment of full independence (Churchill 1983). By 1940 the PSC had become sterner in approving bus franchises and controlling the bus companies’ acquisition of new capital. This new policy, which was stipulated in Commonwealth Act (CA) 454, dissatisfied old bus operators in the country (ACCJ 1940, 11). Under CA 454, which was implemented by the Commonwealth-era PSC, old bus companies feared for their property rights because they had to get the permission of the commission to lay out additional capital and improve their equipment, such as replacing old buses. Lockwood opposed the stipulations of the new law, particularly the power to impair contracts and confiscate property, and called it unconstitutional.

Prior to 1940 the older bus lines had franchises without expiration. However, under CA 454, whenever the bus companies engaged in any form of transaction with the PSC, the commission would grant its approval only by taking up all the existing franchises seriatim and subjecting them to the new policy of limiting franchises to a period of twenty-five years subject to renewal (ibid., 11). Lockwood expressed his thoughts on the situation:

You have a franchise, and it has no term. No word of law exists that says the government may take it away from you for the value of the equipment utilized in the enjoyment of its privileges and compliance with its obligation. A franchise, it is therefore property; you may sell it or not, as you wish; but on selling it, no word of law constrains you to accept offer [sic] of the present worth of the equipment. On the contrary, you bargain for a price that considers the perpetuity of your franchise, its proved earning power, also the goodwill you have earned [sic] the company under it, and even its future probable value, largely deriving from your good management of the company, and its perpetuity…. This new franchise, also, as much a contract as the one the government forces you to tear up. In fact, the one the government tears up for you, provides that the government may step in and take over your business at any time. (ibid., 15)

Having the same sentiments as Lockwood, the Northern Luzon Transportation Company (Norlutran) and members of the American Chamber of Commerce were vocal in questioning the conditions that CA 454 prescribed regarding the acquisition and operation of new buses and other equipment and the power of the Commonwealth government to take over a company unless the necessary requirements were met. In 1940 Norlutran purchased ten new buses to accommodate the increasing number of passengers. Despite the convenience the new buses could bring to the commuters, under CA 454, the company could not use them until the PSC approved the permits to replace the old buses with the new ones. Consequently, Norlutran and the American Chamber of Commerce commented that CA 454 was vague and urgently needed clarification so that the concerned companies might not stand directly opposed to the stipulations of the said Commonwealth law (ibid., 11).

The Alatco strongly criticized the PSC’s regulations. As a company managed by American investors, the bus line was vulnerable to the policy changes on franchise renewal; thus, it had to be critical of government regulations on travel rates and the acquisition of new bus units. Given the government’s level of intervention, transport operators, particularly Americans, were frustrated and perceived the government as an obstacle to the progress of their businesses. In the context of the political atmosphere of Filipinization starting in 1935, I posit that the Alatco was adamant about opposing the new policies on certifications and franchise renewal because of how the new situation undermined its competitive edge. Whereas prior to 1935, transport companies could secure and renew a franchise easily, during the Commonwealth the rules set by the PSC became rigid, which the Alatco perceived as discriminatory against American transport companies. From 1936 to 1941, Pres. Manuel Quezon often turned to the theme of reducing foreign control over Philippine economic life by tightening supervisory and regulatory laws over American-owned enterprises (Wheeler 1966, 362-73; Hutchcroft 2000, 277-306). Nevertheless, this hypothesis is based on prevailing sentiments among other American entrepreneurs at the time but not explicitly stipulated in the documentary sources about the Alatco. The clash between the PSC and American-controlled bus lines should be seen in light of the Commonwealth government’s preoccupation with the Filipinization of industries against the retention of American capital in the country at that time.

The Commonwealth administration had raised the ante on bus companies by imposing more draconian regulations that pressured them, including the Alatco, to deliver reliable service to sustain the confidence of the government and the public. Despite the unfavorable political milieu for American-owned companies, the Alatco still gained public confidence and support because of its commercial practices, particularly its cost-effective route planning, travel schedule, centralized management of bus terminals, and employee development. More so, the bus line had no direct competition in providing motorized inland public transportation in the region. Undeniably, these improvements in the Alatco’s operation were beneficial to the riding public. Propelled by these practices and the bus being the sole option for inland interprovincial travel, the Alatco contributed to the economic and social transformation of Bicol.

The Alatco and the Bicol Express

Another aspect behind the Alatco’s success was its collaboration with the Manila Railroad Company (MRC) to promote their mutual interests despite instances of competition. The MRC initiated the plan to construct the first insular locomotive driver railroad system in the Philippines on 25 June 1875. The result of this plan was the Manila-Dagupan railroad, the first major railway line to be built in the Philippines, which was opened to the public by 1892. The construction of the Main Line South, the southward extension of the Manila-Dagupan line, which started from Manila and extended 474 kilometers to Legazpi, began in 1907. This line began its commercial operations when the railway from Manila to the town of Muntinlupa was completed in 1908. Work on the other end of the line started at Legazpi, going northward to Tabaco, Albay, and eastward to Iriga. The Iriga-Legazpi-Tabaco section commenced operations in 1914. During the American regime, the insular government controlled and expanded the railway system (McIntyre 1907, 52-61; Corpuz 1999, 159). However, the Commonwealth government’s aggressive campaign for the Filipinization of industries imperiled the American ownership of public transport services on the islands. High-ranking positions in the state-owned MRC became more accessible to Filipinos. To protect and sustain American capital interests, the Alatco and the MRC engaged in collaborative endeavors to share profits and provide efficient public transport service. Alatco buses supported the services of the MRC as railroad feeders that facilitated the stream of passenger traffic. The Alatco operated a connecting service with the MRC from Sipocot to Paracale, Mambulao, and all other points in Camarines Norte, from Naga to all stations in Camarines Sur, and from Daraga, Albay to Sorsogon.

Before embarking on the joint passenger service venture with the Alatco, the MRC’s initial response to motor vehicle competition was to abandon unremunerative branches and lines to reduce expenditures. In 1914 the Legazpi-Tabaco section of the MRC railroad was abandoned in response to its motor vehicle rivals, specifically, the Alatco. With the increase of bus lines and truck competition, this portion of the railroad in Bicol became risky and unprofitable. The MRC was burdened by the maintenance expenses of the Iriga-Legazpi-Tabaco line due to landslides along the slopes of Mayon Volcano and insufficient traffic in proportion to overall operating expenses. By 1915 motor vehicle competition was perceived as a major factor, along with natural calamities and economic depression, behind MRC’s revenue slump (Corpuz 1999, 79-81; ACCJ 1939a, 10).

Learning from the Alatco’s business model, the MRC also ventured into the motor bus business. On 1 November 1930 in Camarines Sur, the MRC acquired the Pasacao Truck Line, a privately operated freight and passenger service with one bus and one Hudson seven-passenger automobile, which controlled the movement of goods and people between the dock of Pasacao and the MRC station in Pamplona. Unfortunately, the operation of the Pasacao Truck Line was short-lived because the MRC could not compete with the flexible service of the Alatco’s bus units (Corpuz 1999, 84-85; ACCJ 1939c, 39). The rivalry between the Alatco and the MRC was but temporary. The two American transport companies eventually collaborated to secure their mutual interests.

Instead of abandoning unprofitable sections of the Manila South Line, the MRC in response to motor vehicle competition, struck a deal with the Alatco. In this arrangement, the Alatco had sole control of the commuter service while the MRC trucks would facilitate freight traffic at the Legazpi-Tabaco station. By 1939 the combined passenger service arrangement between the Alatco and the MRC connected the Sorsogon- bound bus routes with the Daraga railroad station and the Camarines Norte-bound bus routes with the Sipocot railroad station. The Alatco station was situated close to the mining town of Paracale. With the complementary operation of the two companies, buses recaptured and expanded the market for the train service by linking populated towns to train stations (ACCJ 1937b, 36; ACCJ 1938a, 41-42), and both entities profited from the joint investment (Corpuz 1999, 93).

Initially, the cost-effectiveness of its bus operation, efficiency in traffic navigation, flexibility, and capability of making stops between stations and near road intersections at any time were qualities that made the Alatco’s commuter buses more profitable compared with the MRC’s passenger trains. Thus, compared with the MRC, the Alatco was more capable of meeting the surging demand of commuter traffic for intertown and interprovincial movement (ibid., 93; ACCJ 1937a, 37). Nonetheless, the popularity of the bus did not totally displace the railway system.

The repercussions of road construction projects and the Alatco’s contribution to inland mobility cannot be adequately explained by merely pointing at factors that tend to acclaim American inventiveness, such as technological breakthroughs in road construction and transport motorization and political and commercial decisions that bolstered the economy. There were drawbacks to the development projects instituted by the insular American government. Labor concerns in road construction and the marginalization of the traditional mode of transport were clear indications of such failures. Furthermore, the rivalry between the MRC and the Alatco quickly fizzled out. The two transportation companies had to reach a compromise to ensure that American enterprises controlled the business transactions and the profits to be gained. Consequently, this collaborative engagement between the two was a strategic response to the pressures instituted by the Commonwealth government, which was eager to diminish foreign management of Philippine economic activities. Aside from comprehending the political and economic dynamics that affected the Alatco’s operation, analyzing its ridership and the passengers’ experiences is also central to track the changes in inland public transportation.

Accounts of Bus Rides

In determining the Alatco’s effects on Bicol’s rhythm of life, this article collated sporadic and general accounts on Bicol from various individuals who experienced going around the region via bus, taken from American and native travelogues, journalistic accounts, official reports, and memoirs from 1926 to 1939. Fundamental to the colonial representation of public transport motorization was the American imperial perspective of perceiving themselves as harbingers of progress on the islands. Some accounts tend to glorify American contributions to inland travel, particularly those from the ACCJ, which hailed US accomplishments in the country. Nevertheless, these impressions of the conditions of bus transport are still crucial for us to comprehend the state of affairs of inland transport and its influence on mobility in Bicol.

Fr. O’Brien (1993, 15) documented an account of inland and maritime travel from Manila to Bicol by means of the train, steamer, and bus in 1926. The Manila railroad went only as far as Aloneros, Quezon, where Bicol- bound passengers would disembark and transfer to Pasacao-bound steamers, Mayon and Bikol, which was different from Ammen’s flat-bottomed steamship of the same name that operated until 1913 only. From Pasacao, travelers would board an Alatco bus going to Naga and Pamplona. Albay- bound passengers could board a train at the Pamplona station. Prior to the completion of the southern line rail route, transferring from train to steamer and bus was considered the most efficient way to travel to Manila and back to Bicol.

In June 1927 an interesting ACCJ article depicted the progress of the Alatco that supported O’Brien’s collated narrative. It narrated that the Alatco methodically organized highway transportation in Bicol. Buses ran on schedule in all routes at 2 centavos per kilometer. Alatco buses were regularly maintained over long routes. Travelling via bus was cheap and comfortable. With the Pamplona-Pasacao road completed, the Alatco erected a station in Pasacao, which offered regular trips to Naga and Albay. The public enjoyed courteous, cheap, and reliable service (ACCJ 1927a, 9).

The passengers’ reactions to the affordable commute on the Alatco were not all the same. In his diary, Luis General (2015, 62), who was a student in the 1920s, narrated that the bus fare was P2 for a trip from Legazpi to Guinobatan. Contrary to previous accounts of the Alatco’s cheap fare, General found the price very expensive.

A travel account by a prominent American gives vital information that allows one to visualize the status of transport and mobility patterns in Bicol. Walter Robb, an American businessman and ACCJ editor, travelled to Bicol and presented a vivid description of one of his trips there. The Main Line South would leave Paco station in Manila daily at 11:52 a.m., the first train trip to the Bicol Region of the day. Upon arriving at Pasacao station, passengers would transfer to a bus to reach Pamplona in half an hour. From Camarines Sur, Robb went to Albay, wherein one could get around the towns that were adjacent to Legazpi by bus. He visited the mineral springs in Tiwi, which were fifteen minutes away from Tabaco. Before heading back to Manila, Robb took a bus ride from Albay to Naga and paid a visit to Judge Manly, one of the pioneer investors and managers of the Alatco. In Robb’s journey to Naga, he observed that the town was a prosperous settlement, the educational and commercial center of the region (ACCJ 1927b, 12–13). Travel agencies in Manila that organized Southern Luzon trips provided guides on how to reach Bicol. A particular guide published in 1937 stated that the train was the best transport mode for those who were keen to witness the scenic beauty of Albay. The train would leave Manila daily in the early evening, make connections on the way to Albay, and return to Manila around noontime the next day. To go around Albay, the Alatco offered round-trip routes. One travel agency suggested that choosing which way to go would depend on how much time one could spare and how much money one was willing to spend. According to the travel agency, the estimated cost for the Bicol round trip was P60, inclusive of the train ticket, bus rides, and hotel accommodation in Legazpi (ACCJ 1937b, 36).

Aside from commuter perceptions and travel accounts, government reports reveal the value of enhancing the transport industry, evident in the Alatco’s services, to integrate more provinces in economic activities. In 1939 the Joint Preparatory Committee on Philippine Affairs, composed of American and Filipino experts studying US-Philippine trade relations in preparation for the granting of independence to the Philippines, released a full report on the transactions, finances, and economic projects in the country. Included in the progress report on economic adjustment projects was the improvement of transportation facilities on the islands. One of the most vital perceived advances in the Philippine economy was the extension of transportation facilities in provinces with rich agricultural lands. Adequate transportation infrastructure was necessary to permit small communities to market their products and purchase goods from other localities. Furthermore, the report stipulated recommendations to attain a more effective transportation service. The Alatco conformed with the set standards (ACCJ 1939b, 59–66). Specifically, its bus services were instrumental in extending communication to remote areas, linking the population to health and agricultural services offered by the government. It brought the population of provinces closer together and enabled political and economic consolidation.

The Alatco, as a mass transport system, introduced a new concept of mobility in Bicol during the American era. Travel accounts, particularly those that narrated experiences aboard the Alatco buses, revealed and articulated that the erstwhile arduous intertown and interprovincial journeys were made efficient and convenient by the bus company’s extensive regional service. However, it could also be inferred that the accounts of Robb and of owners of travel agencies were deliberate exaltations or advertisements of American innovation. One way or another, the narratives suggested that the efficiency and amenities associated with interprovincial travel would not have been made possible without the auspices of the US colonial government and American private investments. Conclusion

Albert Louis Ammen can be dubbed as the father of bus transportation in the Philippines because his bus business in Bicol was the first of its kind on the islands. Tracing the Alatco’s institutional history from its budding years to its expansion is essential to situate the struggles it endured preceding its success. Ammen was immersed in both inland and maritime transportation activities in Bicol. However, with the transformation of Naga and the rest of Bicol’s built environment, evident in the improvement of road systems and the technological advancement of inland transport, Ammen and Blouse adapted to the changes and carried out test runs on a modified truck on the newly completed roads. Prompted by his imaginative vision, Ammen took the risk of venturing into an organized inland motorized mass transportation business and abandoned his steamer line, despite the predominance of maritime vessels in the region at the time. Ammen and Blouse’s efforts and investment paid off as the initial run of the early buses translated into profits. With the increasing demand for an overland commuter service, Ammen was compelled to expand operations, which led to the incorporation of the bus company.

Indeed, the hallmark qualities of the Alatco’s service were efficiency, safety, comfort, and adaptability, which enabled it to sustain public confidence and support. It profitably expanded through an integrated operating system with cost-effective route planning, organized travel schedules, centralized management of bus terminals, and value-for-customer satisfaction and safety. As the company grew, it addressed public criticisms and became critical of government regulations on fares and franchise renewal. Propelled by these commercial practices, the Alatco’s services contributed to the improvement of physical mobility in Bicol and presented opportunities for regional integration and development.

The Alatco was also an image-builder for the US colonial administration. The bus company exhibited the ostensible success of American ingenuity in transport motorization resulting in enhanced mobility in Naga and the rest of Bicol. As the buses traversed the roads, it became a moving tangible symbol of the civilizing and modernizing process driven by the American colonizers-an achievement that was supposedly implausible during the Spanish reign. The new symbol of mobility in the region during the American colonial period, the Alatco was a crucial factor behind substantial changes in various facets of life in Bicol. Epilogue

The Japanese invasion of the Philippines halted the Alatco’s three- decade-long operations. Immediately after the landing of Japanese troops in Legazpi in December 1941, all the American officials of the company were imprisoned at the Ateneo de Naga, a Jesuit-run school which was transformed into a Japanese garrison (Historical Data Papers 1952). At the outbreak of the war, the majority of the corporation’s assets were expropriated. The Alatco’s rolling stock was lost during the war years, along with the terminals, company shops, equipment, and repair facilities. In order to provide mobility to troops, buses were either taken over by the US Army or confiscated by the Japanese and declared as property of the Imperial Army of Japan (ACCJ 1947a, 75–76).

The Alatco swiftly emerged from the rubble to commence bus operations during the postwar years. The American colonial administration instantly rehabilitated land transportation facilities by the end of the war since the transport sector was essential to alleviate the war-ravaged economy. Upon the US reoccupation of the islands, American operators, foregoing repatriation, revived public transport operations. Unlike other prewar bus operators that failed to recover capital, the Alatco was able to purchase a limited number of trucks from the US Army. These vehicles were refurbished Chevrolet 6×6 and 4×4 trucks. Exploiting the demand for transportation, the US Army charged excessively but allowed staggered payments. Later, with the intervention of the PSC, the prices were reduced to a reasonable rate (ACCJ 1947b, 272). However, the acquired US Army trucks were not designed for public transportation and had to be retired when suitable vehicles became available.

Part of the Alatco’s postwar recovery was the transition of the company’s management from American to Filipino control. Possessing the largest individual holding of the corporation’s stock, the Ammen Estate interests, together with other American interests, exercised control over the company. In 1949, after a lengthy negotiation, the Tuasons of Manila acquired the majority of the company’s holdings. The transaction included the Tuasons’ acquisition of 60 percent of the Alatco’s paid-up capital, together with 80 percent of the capital stock of Bicol Trading Inc., a company of truck and automobile dealers in the Bicol Region (ACCJ 1949, 392). This decisive event marked the Filipinization of the Alatco and was indicative of the subsequent changes whereby Filipino capital gradually absorbed American enterprises. The company formally changed its name to Philtranco Service Enterprises, Inc. in 1984 (Philtranco Transport Heritage Museum 1989).