(Editors’ Note: This scholarly article is based on the author’s master’s thesis, titled “Tracking the Inland Shift of Mobility in the Early Twentieth-Century Naga through the History of the Albert Louis Ammen Transportation Company (Alatco),” for the completion of his MA History degree at the Ateneo de Manila University in 2021. First published in Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints, Ateneo de Manila University, 2021. Subsequently published in Project MUSE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland, 2021. We publish herein the article in its entirety, except the footnote references for brevity’s sake and in two parts, with our May and June editions.)

PART 1

Introduction

Founded on July 6, 1914, the Albert Louis Ammen Transportation Company (Alatco) was the first bus company in the Philippines and the pioneer in Bicol’s motorized public transport system. Improved road conditions in Bicol in the early twentieth century were advantageous for the rapid development of motorized inland transportation. It was in this context that enterprising American serviceman Albert Louis Ammen realized the necessity of a reliable public transport business to assist the movement of people and goods. This article focuses on the Alatco’s evolution and emphasizes how its operation transformed various aspects of life in the Bicol Region.

Transport History

Life in the Bicol Region for most residents is structured around constant movement, so efficient transportation has always been crucial even to ordinary Bicolanos. A critical period in the history of mobility in the region is the first half of the twentieth century, which saw the beginnings of motorized inland mobility. Fr. James O’Brien (1993, 14–16), who pioneered and inspired historical and cultural research in the Bicol Region, recounted the toils of travelling by land in the early twentieth century. In Camarines Sur, a group of students from Caramoan attending their high school in Naga had to go to the town of Goa and trek Mount Isarog to Calabanga, then walk or ride a cart for hours before reaching the campus. American teacher William Freer (1906, 134–35, 218) travelled to Bicol and gave a vivid description of his journey in 1906. Freer spent a great part of his time in Ambos Camarines and Nueva Caceres, the center of Bicol’s political, social, economic, intellectual, and religious life since the sixteenth century. He observed that the indispensable carabao, despite being much slower than a horse, served as the primary option for transportation purposes. As Freer moved north of Ambos Camarines and navigated the town of Daet, he witnessed the sad state of roads and the difficulty of inland travel. The roads of Daet were at their worst during the rainy season. Two-wheeled carabao carts had to take frequent detours to avoid going through paddies. Oftentimes, carts would get stuck, and passengers and freight had to be unloaded for the wheel to be dug out. At times, the vehicle was simply abandoned at the roadside. Ponies would be knee-deep in the mud and could hardly free their legs. No animal except the semiamphibious carabao could endure this ordeal. These roads tormented unaccustomed travelers. The establishment of a bus service by the Albert Louis Ammen Transportation Company, more popularly known among Bicolanos as the Alatco, addressed such a predicament.

Tracking the historical development of transportation infrastructure and systems offers a novel vantage point in historicizing mobility in the Philippines. In the early years of the twentieth century, the shift from water to inland conveyance redefined physical mobility and can be attributed to the advent of motorized inland vehicles and the extensive road development projects, which were outlined under the American colonial paradigm of modernity and progress. Amid these colonial realities, the Alatco, the pioneering bus company in the Philippines, commenced its operations in the Bicol Region on 6 July 1914. This article builds on the notion that transport motorization and improvements in transport infrastructure are vital to reshaping the mobility of societies (Urry 2007; Jonas 2015, 281–93) and that transportation impacts the relationship between society and physical space. Moreover, this article is based on the premise that transportation, beyond a product of technological change, should be critically scrutinized as a factor that contributes to urban growth, social interaction, socioeconomic activities, and institutional processes (Yago 1983, 171). Indeed, progress in transportation has had great consequences in history (Walsh 2000; Sheller 2015, 12-19).

Despite the promising insights that could be mined from historicizing mobility, the study of transport systems in the Philippines lacks historical examinations. Most academic mobility studies have focused on issues of planning and policy, rarely giving transport history the same level of attention (Pante 2016, 90–97). Although there are books and journal articles on transport systems centered in Manila (Sta. Maria 1978, 1737-43; De Jesus 1978, 1788–92; Juan 2011; Corpuz 1999; Pante 2011, 2014), little is known about those in the other regions of the country, such as Bicol. The obvious constraint of this scholarly venture is the lack of sources on the Alatco, other transport companies, and related institutions in regions outside the capital. This article counters such Manila-centricity and the concomitant discourse of the capital being the trailblazer in modernity, urban development, and technological change in the Philippines.

This article critiques the Manila-centric transport historiography of the country by emphasizing the Alatco’s operations in the Bicol Region, specifically, the following provinces in the Luzon mainland: Albay, Sorsogon, Camarines Norte, and Camarines Sur, the last two of which formed the now defunct province of Ambos Camarines, which existed at the start of the American colonial period. It responds to Michael Pante’s (2014, 855) call to historians: “Transport motorization is a critical juncture in the history of mobility. Its impact on both modern society and the very notion of modernity is profound; thus, it needs to be scrutinized and historicized.” This article attempts to fill an obvious gap in the literature of transport studies and urban history in the Philippines, which has focused mainly on Manila’s experience. Thus, it accentuates Bicol’s significance in the early twentieth century as a region at the forefront of material progress and the transformation of lifestyles. As such, the study of Bicol’s transport history requires an interdisciplinary approach that links mobility with profound social changes.

To broaden the historiographical landscape of transport systems and networks in the Philippines, I intend to address these questions: How was the Alatco formally organized? How did the company overcome challenges and develop into the new symbol of inland mobility in Bicol during the twentieth century? This study looks into the Alatco’s origin, organization, and operation, which supported the Americans’ modernization goals and caused profound changes in the concept of mobility and the social fabric of the region.

In charting transport history, the study focuses on the colonial status of Bicol during the American era as it surveys the region’s historiography. The limitation of this article is the dearth of published materials on American rule in Bicol because most studies concentrate on the Spanish colonial experience. Even in the Philtranco Museum2 in Iriga City, Camarines Sur, which serves as the repository of the Alatco’s company records and other materials that survived to this day, prewar documents are limited. Every tidbit of data derived from government reports and news articles, such as the reports of the Philippine Commission, the Quarterly Bulletin of the Bureau of Public Works, the American Chamber of Commerce Journal (ACCJ), the Tribune, and Bicol Mail, that refers to the dynamics of transport and mobility in American-colonial Bicol is deemed valuable. Most of these sources are available at the American Historical Collection, located at the Rizal Library of the Ateneo de Manila University, and at the Ateneo de Naga’s O’Brien Library Bikoliana Collection. Considering the biases inherent in these materials, this article interrogates the dominant colonial discourse of the sources that are needed to historicize the Alatco and the Bicol Region.

Roadbuilding and the US Colonial Project

In the early twentieth century, the development of infrastructure and transport modes enhanced mobility in Naga and the rest of Bicol and restructured the region’s social life. These technological improvements, which were not present during the Spanish era, linked Naga with other towns in the Bicol Region and offered opportunities for regional development. Together with the creation of road networks and the motorization of inland transport modes, the founding of the Alatco as a pioneer in motorized public transportation improved the mobility of residents and transformed various economic aspects of the region.

Spain relinquished its possession of the Philippines to the US with the signing of the Treaty of Paris on 10 December 1898 (Golay 1997, 47). The consequent US colonial administration signaled the dawn of a new era on the islands. But even prior to US colonialism, there were already substantial American investments in the Philippines, such as in the abaca trade. As the US colonial government gained authority over the archipelago, American merchant houses further controlled and enhanced the transactions of the abaca industry, with the Bicol Region as one of the most important sources of this material. Clearly, economic needs motivated the American occupation of Bicol. To support the growing abaca trade and ensure the shipment of fiber to Manila, the US insular government allotted a substantial budget for commercial agriculture and an efficient transport system (Owen 1984). These early-twentieth-century realities substantiated the fact that having good road systems was a prerequisite to the Americans securing full control of the islands.

When the US insular government established an American military administration in Bicol in 1900, colonial officials immediately saw the importance of Nueva Caceres or Naga in controlling the region (Arejola 1964; Gerona 2003, 83–93). American capitalist interests were evident in Naga and the rest of Bicol as colonial policies emphasized economic programs in agriculture to boost the abaca trade (Sawyer 1900, 285). As colonialism progressed, changes were also observed in the town’s infrastructure, businesses, and transportation services (Gerona 2003, 101-24).

For the nascent US colonial government, constructing roads and bridges would pave the way for political and economic control of the country. Moreover, this campaign to accelerate road construction was an ideological instrument to portray American imperialist expansion as a civilizing undertaking, the harbinger of modernity and societal development in the country. Thus, the US insular government considered road construction a top priority. In fact, the first ever piece of legislation of the US Philippine Commission, signed on 12 September 1900, was an act appropriating P4 million for the construction and repair of highways and bridges in the Philippines (US Bureau of Insular Affairs 1901, 13).

To initialize the road projects in Bicol and the rest of the country, the US colonial government worked out a general road plan for the whole island of Luzon in 1900. Without considering the geographical diversity of other regions in the country, this plan became the blueprint for constructing highways in the Visayas and Mindanao. The Luzon Road plan prioritized the construction of three insular highways connecting different provinces, which were maintained by insular funds (Philippine Commission 1901, 80). Ideally, the plan should have offered a viable solution to the country’s road problems. However, the lack of intensive research on the various processes involved in road construction was a setback to its enactment. Regrettably, the road plan did not stipulate maintenance programs for both new and repaired roads. The insular roads could accommodate animal-drawn vehicles during the dry season only because the rainy season made them impassable and even temporarily irreparable, thus effectively cutting off communication lines. Funding was insufficient, and there were no structured labor policies to support road projects continuously. Improper maintenance caused the roads to deteriorate in less than a year, gobbling up a large sum of government funds (Worcester 1930, 877-78).

From 1900 to 1903, initial road development in the country was in a trial- and-error phase, and the plan was poorly executed. However, a reorganization of the public works program happened in 1904 upon the arrival of W. Cameron Forbes as a new member of the Philippine Commission. Forbes’s initiatives and economic vision signaled a revitalization of road construction and maintenance in the Philippines.

Forbes’s leadership marked the heyday of public works during the American period (Philippine Commission 1909, 478). As secretary of commerce and police from 1904 to 1909 and eventually governor-general from 1909 to 1913, he was instrumental in the creation of the Bureau of Public Works (BPW) in 1905 and the enactment of the Road Law in 1906. Under his supervision, the BPW pinpointed three areas of focus. First was the provision for raising and appropriating sufficient money to maintain all roads and construct new ones. Next was the need for a system of constructing permanent roads that would last longer and require less maintenance. Last was the institutionalization of a road maintenance system to keep all roads and bridges in good condition (Chamberlin 1913, 131; ACCJ 1960, 12; Stanley 1966, 285). This ambitious, comprehensive road construction project was consistent with the American colonial framework of development. Forbes underscored the value of road construction as an instrument of state building to reinforce and validate the professed boons of US colonialism in the country.

On 13 July 1907 Forbes established a road committee that was responsible for studying the road systems and implementing road works in the country. The other tasks of this committee included educating the natives about the benefits of having well-maintained thoroughfares and recommending the construction of insular roads that were of the greatest importance for interprovincial communication. To rectify the mistakes of the previous road program, the committee members consulted with local officials and visited numerous provinces to determine the thoroughfares that had to be built (Philippine Commission 1909, 451–52). Forbes (1945, 200-202; cf. Gleeck 1974, 208) also emphasized that the triumph of the construction program could not be based exclusively on the number of completed interprovincial roads but rather on their longevity, which could only be attained through proper maintenance. Indeed, Forbes’s policies embodied the US colonial narrative of distinguishing the Americans as heralds of benevolence and progress on the islands.

Roadbuilding and Abaca Trading in the Bicol Region

To maximize the potentials of the booming abaca trade, many of the road construction and maintenance projects in Ambos Camarines and Albay involved thoroughfares that were crucial to the abaca industry (Philippine Commission 1909, 353–54). Road systems in the abaca-producing towns of Ambos Camarines, Albay, and Sorsogon were completed in 1908 (ibid., 467). The completion of roads proved to be of great assistance to the Bicol Region, specifically in transporting and marketing agricultural produce, mostly abaca fibers – as a result, horse-drawn vehicles could reach the abaca plantations (ibid., 353–54). Moreover, because the abaca plants were planted at the foot of mountains and volcanoes, which met the plants’ need for humidity, roads had to be built along the base of these mountains. Consequently, the construction of first-class roads in Ambos Camarines in 1912 connected the abaca-producing towns of Buhi to Nabua on the Bicol River basin and San Jose and Tigaon in the eastern base of Mount Isarog with their respective ports. In Albay the town of Malinao was linked to the port of Tabaco and the municipalities of Oas, Ligao, and Guinobatan. Meanwhile, the town of Camalig in Albay was linked to the port of Legazpi. In Sorsogon Province, the municipality of Bacon had access to the port of the town of Sorsogon through newly constructed roads (ibid. 178). Clearly, road improvements and the inland transportation of abaca fibers also affected the economic value of port towns.

From 1908 to 1913, the shift from water to inland transportation gradually took place with the construction of good roads, and such changes were reflected in the movement of harvested abaca fibers. Iriga, a major abaca-producing town in Camarines, was linked to Naga through a road completed in 1913. The road, which partly paralleled the Bicol River, traversed abaca plantations and became instrumental in the commuters’ decision to abandon the Bicol River route in favor of travelling by land. In Caramoan, Ambos Camarines, the expansion of cart trails gave people an alternative to travelling using water vessels to navigate the Caramoan Peninsula. The connection between the Albay and Ambos Camarines road systems developed regional inland freight traffic. With the two major provinces in the region linked through the interprovincial roads, abaca farmers in Iriga and Buhi took advantage of the economic opportunities brought about by this development. Abaca fibers from Iriga and Buhi could be hauled via inland transport either 50 kilometers away to Ligao, Albay or 52 kilometers away to Naga. Likewise, the interprovincial roads between Sorsogon and Albay, passing through rich hemp-producing areas, enthused passenger and freight movement. Inland movement of goods and services was economically advantageous for Bicol because it was safer and more efficient than what steamers could offer (BPW 1913a, 56–58).

In Bicol the total length of completed first-class roads linked to the abaca plantations reached 470 kilometers in 1918 (Philippine Island Census Office 1921b, 678). Map 1 shows the completed roads connecting the abaca- producing towns in the region. These roads did not only invigorate the industry but also offered suitable conditions for the arrival and utilization of motorized inland transportation.

With minimal state intervention, private individuals and companies purchased different inland motorized vehicles, such as automobiles, freight trucks, and motorcycles (Gleeck 1977, 131–32; ACCJ 1925, 7; 1926b, 5–6), which brought about technological, cultural, and economic transformation (BPW 1913b, 16–21; 1915, 11–14). Foreseeing the economic potential of using inland motorized transportation, Forbes (1920, 134) believed that roads and transportation were a call for everyone to engage in business. He also emphasized that economic development could be attained if the system of transportation were efficient and cheap. Forbes (ibid., 201–2) envisioned an upgrade from the animal-drawn carts, which were slow, costly, and damaging to the roads, to motorized vehicles.

The improved road systems and expansion of the automotive industry had an impact on the increase in the number of motorized transport modes in Bicol from 1912 to 1914 (Corpuz 1999, 76). Most of these early batches of automobiles were purchased and registered in 1914. Although horse-drawn vehicles such as calesas still dominated the streets of Naga and Legazpi in the early decades of the American regime, the well-off natives, Americans, and companies in the urban towns were attracted to the new transport modes that utilized a form of power other than animal strength (BPW 1914a, 45-50; 1914b, 46-48, 73-74). In Naga many well-off families owned cars and renovated their residential homes by converting the first- floor livery stables for their carriages to automobile garages. Among the first and most popular owners of automobiles were Naga’s prominent families: the Abellas, Arroyos, Diazes, Dy-Liaccos, Lopezes, and Melitons (Gerona 2003, 156). Subsequently, automobiles did not only enhance inland mobility but also became a new status symbol in the Bicol Region.

The success of transport motorization was seen not only in the number of vehicles or passengers but also in its ideological value. Motorization seemed to not only signify progress and modernity but also validate the Americans’ claim to benevolent rule (Pante 2011). Upon realizing the aptness of motorized transport to the new road networks and its potential effects in various domains of urban life and economic development, Bicolanos came to perceive motorized transportation as instrumental in socioeconomic mobility. The auspicious conditions of inland mobility in Naga inspired enterprising American serviceman Albert Louis Ammen to venture into a transportation business that was appropriate to the completed roads.

From a River Steamer to a Reconditioned Grabowski Truck

On 6 July 1914 Ammen formally launched the Alatco in Ambos Camarines. Behind the conception of the Alatco was a team of enterprising Americans who sensed the economic value of Bicol and were motivated by the viability of a swift return on investment. Ammen collaborated with his American associates, Max Blouse, William Bowler, Richard Lawson, Robert Manly, and L. Dean Lockwood, and pioneered inland transport service in the region. Arguably, Ammen’s background as former military personnel and his American nationality could have played a crucial role behind his decision to invest in a transport business and the eventual success of the Alatco.

Ammen was born in Valley Falls, Kansas, on 25 November 1878. After graduating from a public high school in the same city, he signed up for military service as an officer of the Quartermaster Corps, which was deployed to the Philippines in February 1899. By 1900, when much of the country was already under American control, Ammen, who was then in Naga, was released from military service (ACCJ 1922, 5). Unfortunately, sources did not reveal the reasons why he settled in Naga. Retired from his responsibilities, Ammen might have reflected on his past campaigns as an army sergeant and looked back to the harsh conditions American troops endured in travelling on rough and treacherous roads aboard army wagons. He was probably bothered by the dire conditions of transportation on the islands and became concerned with providing better modes of mobility to Americans and natives. He realized that water vessels provided a more efficient mode of transportation. Thus, he contemplated creating a business that would improve water transportation in Ambos Camarines. These assumptions on Ammen’s assessment of the conditions in Bicol are primarily based on Lewis Gleeck’s (1975, 50) and Frederick Wilkins’s (1928, 13) interpretation of American experiences on the islands.

As a retired army officer, Ammen symbolized the shift in the American colonial strategy in dealing with insurgencies in the Philippines. After quelling the natives’ resistance campaigns, the Americans sought to appease the Filipinos by captivating their hearts and minds by launching businesses and institutions that introduced the natives to new products and amenities. Discharged American servicemen were mostly at the forefront of establishing such ventures in the Philippines, and Ammen was one of them (Gleeck 1975, ix). Many former soldiers became businessmen because their experiences in the field made them conscious of profitable opportunities in the private sector. They found it convenient to establish businesses because such ventures did not demand requisite professional qualifications and certifications. They often conceptualized business ideas that were an offshoot of their official duties to the American colonial administration or inspired by the need to provide the necessities of their countrymen in the new colony (Gleeck 1974; 1975, 1-8). Although it is difficult to make conclusions regarding the actual motivations behind Ammen’s undertakings due to insufficient documentary sources, it is safe to say that his business decision was not purely altruistic. He was conscious of Bicol’s value in the economic ventures of the American colonial administration (Owen 1984; Gerona 2003, 101–24). Thus, he sought an opportunity to strike it rich in the region by engaging in the transport business. The emergence of American enterprises, like Ammen’s, reflected and backed the increasing stability of US colonial rule and articulated its tenets of modernity and economic development.

In 1903 Ammen invested in the water transportation business. Inland travel was then dismal because good roads were nonexistent, and travelling along rivers was the most practical method. The Bicol River, cutting across major towns in Ambos Camarines, was strategic and conducive to mass transportation in the province. Exhausting his resources, Ammen travelled to Manila and purchased a flat-bottomed river steamer, which he named Bicol and immediately brought to Naga. Bicol ferried paying passengers over a short route of about 40 kilometers from Naga to Iriga on the Bicol River (ACCJ 1922, 5). From 1903 to 1913, it operated daily and was always at full capacity, as it catered to the abaca-producing districts. Ammen profited from the steamer line. However, for unknown reasons, he returned to the US in 1908 and, for the time being, assigned Blouse to operate the business (Wilkins 1928, 13; Gleeck 1975, 50). Blouse was Ammen’s trusted associate, and both shared the same vision of financial gain that could be derived from the development of transportation.

After a two-year stay in the US, Ammen returned to Bicol around 1910 and was astonished to see that the road system connecting Naga to Iriga was almost complete. Ammen and Blouse saw the completed roads as an opportunity to expand their transportation business by trying their hands at land-based modes. For a dry run, they acquired an automobile and had it run on the newly constructed thoroughfares (Wilkins 1928, 13). This experience of navigating the automobile on the Naga-Iriga road spurred Ammen’s interest to pursue an inland transportation business.

Determined to actualize such plans, Ammen went to Manila to search for automobile parts. He purchased a Grabowski truck chassis and a Chalmers touring car for around P20,000. The Grabowski was a three-ton truck with a two-cylinder motor and an engine block placed on rollers so it could be pulled out easily for repairs, which was an advantageous maintenance feature (Gleeck 1975, 50). With the parts on hand, Ammen and Blouse modified and assembled a vehicle that could carry at least twenty passengers. Blouse took charge of the test drive. During the initial testing phase, he had to overcome apprehensions. He would drive the automobile in the morning, unsure if he could reach his destination on schedule or where he would end up at night (Wilkins 1928, 13). Witnessing a new transport mode passing through the 40-kilometer Naga-Iriga route, Bicolanos had interesting reactions, considering that the Grabowski truck was the first automobile to be driven in that part of the province. At first, the public was distrustful and feared boarding the vehicle. However, people were surprised when they saw that it could complete a single-day trip, which wagons and steamers could not accomplish in three or four days. Gradually, the natives’ perception toward motorized passenger transport turned positive, as more people began to ride the vehicle (ibid.). Hence, Ammen and Blouse eagerly promoted the effectiveness of the commuter service since its operation was more cost-efficient than the steamer lines.

In 1913 Ammen extended the route of passenger transport from Naga to Legazpi, a distance of approximately 93 kilometers. The regular automobile passenger service gave the people of the said towns an opportunity to avail themselves of relatively cheap and convenient travel. The trip from Naga to Legazpi cost P3.50 with a travel time of approximately six hours. Prior to 1910, this same trip, by means of a wagon, could be made in one or two days and would cost not less than P50 (BPW 1913b, 58).

The existence of an inland transportation service traversing Legazpi posed a prospect for Albay’s abaca-producing towns, which had long been searching for a cheap and serviceable passenger vehicle to the interiors. The natives had been relying on four-wheeled wagons but were deeply dissatisfied because of the high fares charged to passengers. These wagons replaced carabao carts in transporting people and cargo but were costly and damaging to the newly constructed roads. Travelling via wagon from Legazpi to Guinobatan, a distance of 18 kilometers, took three and a half hours and cost around P25. However, with the subsequent infrastructural developments under American rule, particularly after the opening of the Governor Reynolds Bridge, which linked Legazpi, Ligao, and Guinobatan together, physical mobility in Albay improved (Gerona 2010, 151–53). With these observable developments, the American administration, together with the residents of Albay, anticipated the prospect of including other towns in the inland commuter service route.

Because of the increasing demand and the immediate return on investment gained from the initial operation of the bus service, with an average profit of around P40 per day, Ammen was emboldened to purchase a second Grabowski truck (ACCJ 1949, 392–93). As the venture garnered profit and popularity, he seized the moment and systematically prepared for an expansion of the business. Hence, the Alatco was formally organized. The Formal Establishment of the Alatco

To expand and sustain the services of the bus business and guarantee the financial returns of an inland passenger transport service, Ammen incorporated his business on 6 July 1914 and named it the Albert Louis Ammen Transportation Company, Inc. (ACCJ 1937a, 37). The Alatco’s initial capital stock of P150,000 was divided into 1,500 shares, valued at P100 each. The major incorporators were Ammen, Blouse, and L. D. Lockwood, who invested P67,000, P22,000, and P10,000, respectively. Prominent Americans and affluent Bicolanos comprised the initial incorporators of the Alatco. By 1918 fifteen Americans were residing in Naga (Philippine Islands Census Office 1921a, 593), including the Alatco’s incorporators. Lockwood, a prolific lawyer, drafted the incorporation papers and was instrumental in the organization and expansion of the company; he would become the Alatco’s president in 1926. Before his involvement in business, Lockwood served as a public-school teacher in the colony (Nellist 1931, 186; ACCJ 1941, 28). He also held positions in the insular government as a provincial treasurer in Agusan and an auditor in Samar, Leyte, Sorsogon, and Ambos Camarines (ACCJ 1931, 9). Lockwood also established a law firm in partnership with Judge Robert E. Manly in Naga. Judge Manly, who owned a mining business in Ambos Camarines, also invested in and managed the Alatco. Wealthy Bicolanos, such as the Florianos and Matiases, who were prominent political families in Ligao, Albay, and investors in the Alatco, also took advantage of the prospects of the new business (Gerona 2010, 20).

The incorporation of the Alatco enabled consistent operations and prompted technological enhancement to guarantee the safety of the commuter service. In 1914 the Alatco was operating nine buses daily, running through Naga, Iriga, and Albay. Map 2 shows the Alatco terminals along the Naga-Iriga-Albay route. Because of Iriga’s strategic position between Naga and Albay, Ammen designated it as the center of operations where he stationed various departments and services that could respond immediately to the everyday concerns of the company and its customers (Historical Data Papers 1952). The Alatco had a high regard for safety. To ensure the functionality and safety of the vehicles, it remodeled the features of its motorbuses. The wheels were improved, with air-inflated rubber tires replacing the breakable wooden-spoked ones. The Chalmers touring car, an open carriage, was enclosed and replaced with Filipino-made polished metal bodies. Such was the remarkable makeover in the first year of the company.

When the insular government began issuing transport franchises in 1917, Ammen instantly secured one (ACCJ 1937a, 37). Recognizing the Alatco’s growth, other American entrepreneurs in various provinces began operating bus lines. In the same year, Frank Klar established the Pangasinan Transportation Company with its headquarters in Dagupan. By 1918 Walter Scott had established his bus company in Leyte. Automobile magnate Emil Bachrach launched the Rural Transit Company, which operated seventy- seven cars in Nueva Ecija (Gleeck 1977, 131-32). Meanwhile, Blouse started the Batangas Transportation Company in 1923 and the Laguna-Tayabas Bus Company in 1928 (Gleeck 1975, 51). These new bus companies possibly imitated the same organizational structure and centralized management of terminals that Alatco employed.

In 1920 the BPW gave the Public Service Commission (PSC) jurisdiction over all bus companies to regulate the sprouting bus operators. For instance, the PSC was responsible for the processing and approval of license requirements of public transport services. However, transport operators criticized the PSC for being lenient because the commission issued certificates to all public transport companies that applied for them, regardless of whether operators and drivers were serving the public efficiently (Wilkins 1928, 72). Organized bus operators questioned and filed complaints against what they saw as the commission’s indiscriminate granting of permits.

The emergence of dubiously sanctioned bus companies was contrary to the best interests of both passengers and transport businesses in the country because it compromised the safety of the riding public and tolerated unfair competition (ibid.; ACCJ 1948, 15). Mariano Cui, one of the first Filipino judges and a PSC commissioner during the American period, responded to the pleas of and pressure from lawful bus operators to question and hinder the indiscriminate licensing of bus services, particularly those without enough capital and sense of responsibility to operate effectively (Owen 1984, 188). Without sufficient regulation, an aspiring operator could simply procure trucks and buses, often at the behest of enthusiastic automobile sales personnel, hire a number of drivers, and immediately run a helter-skelter commuter service. Such bus companies could skip safety inspection tests and not pay any fees and special taxes imposed on public utilities. To address these predicaments, the PSC had to reexamine its procedures. It then introduced a new directive on granting franchises and certification to new transport companies in 1921. In the new directive, a driver had to secure a certificate of public convenience before being employed in any transport business (ACCJ 1921, 7; 1939e, 52). More so, the PSC became meticulous in assessing and approving the fare rates and schedules of motorbus companies, including the Alatco. The Alatco’s Growth

Efficient service translated to passenger satisfaction, which in turn assured an increase in revenue and capital for companies like the Alatco. Moreover, the Alatco was keen on time management. Spacing its trips ensured the continuous flow of nine buses at regular intervals. The Alatco buses arrived and departed on schedule; they would leave the terminals and ply the roads as early as 3:30 a.m., and the last bus would return to the shop at around 8:00 p.m. each day. Buses operated on a regular service with half an hour or an hour headway on its Naga-Iriga-Albay route.

The improvement of transport infrastructure and the acquisition of new buses significantly reduced headways by at least an hour. From the original nine buses in 1914, the Alatco bus fleet grew to 122 units in 1922. By 1928 the company had 148 buses. By 1937 the number of buses had increased to 225 units and then further to 261 buses in 1940 (ACCJ 1922, 5; 1937a, 37). The reduced prices of motor vehicles from 1922 to 1926 due to the growth of the export and import economy resulted in a significant increase in the number of buses imported to the Philippines (ACCJ 1925, 7; 1926b, 5–6).

With the constant increase in bus units, the Alatco routes became more dependable and cheaper. During the Alatco’s initial years, the Naga to Iriga trip cost around 4 centavos per kilometer while the Naga to Legazpi ticket cost around 10 centavos per kilometer. By this time, travelling via bus was more economical compared with water vessels. The PSC’s regulations and the improvement of transport infrastructure, particularly roads and bridges, reduced the travel costs of bus lines. Travel rates were computed based on the cost of operation per passenger-kilometer and per bus unit, which depended on several variables, such as the type of bus utilized, the franchise tax of 1.5 percent on gross income, bridge tolls, income taxes, and gasoline and lubricating oil taxes (ACCJ 1939g, 52; 1947c, 233). Thus, the improvement of transport facilities, together with the decrease in the company’s overall expenses on operations and taxes, resulted in the Alatco’s cheaper fares compared with those of steamer services and passenger trains.

Before arriving at a standard travel rate, the PSC solicited the recommendations of bus operators and the People’s Counsel, an investigatory and advisory board formed to represent the riding public on issues concerning their welfare. In 1916 the PSC approved the recommendation that a basic general rate of 1 1⁄2 centavos per kilometer be imposed on all bus trips. Operators serving Manila were the first companies to adopt the 1 1⁄2-centavos- per-kilometer travel rate. However, provincial bus companies opposed it and filed a petition before the PSC to increase the travel rate to 2 centavos. The petition stipulated that it was not viable for provincial operators under present conditions to do business and earn a profit using a basic tariff of 1 1⁄2 centavo per kilometer. Meanwhile, a 2-centavo travel rate was approved for bus operators in Southern Luzon and the Bicol Region since additional expenses were brought about by extra bridge tolls, auto license fees, and changes in oil prices. By 1920 the PSC set a standard of a 1-centavo travel rate for all bus companies in the country (ACCJ 1939f, 52). The PSC’s establishment of the fixed 1-centavo travel rate meant that the victory of the bus lines in Southern Luzon was momentary. Unfortunately, there were no available data to specify the Alatco’s position on the PSC fare rate policy as of writing this article.

Aside from the affordability of the commute, the Alatco management was keen on safeguarding the roadworthiness of its buses. Ammen prioritized and took pride in maintaining the Alatco’s record of safety. At the main shop in Iriga, Bicolano mechanics conducted periodic checkups and repaired vehicles to avoid roadside breakdowns and minimize accidents. In all Alatco terminals in the region, the management required this inspection method called the “once-over.” In this maintenance scheme, mechanics inspected the buses every night in the garage to ensure that they were fit to operate the next day (BM 1966, 27). The bus company transported an estimated 12 million passengers a year without a fatal accident recorded from 1930 to 1937 (Tribune 1942, 27). Regrettably, I have not found primary sources to vouch for the Alatco’s safety record in the 1920s and 1940s.

Amid all the acclamation for the Alatco’s services, there were still imperfections, such as issues on comfort and sanitation that led to the public’s negative impressions, which the company had to deal with. Local newspapers featured articles pertaining to several complaints about uncomfortable seats and the lack of cleanliness inside the buses and terminals. To address the discomfort, the company replaced old bus seats with padded backrests. To remedy the issue of littering inside the buses and in waiting areas, the management and personnel reminded passengers to properly dispose of their trash in bins and refrain from throwing garbage out the bus windows (BM 1966, 27). Another news article featured complaints about the stinking restrooms in the Alatco terminal in Daet, Camarines Norte. It described the unhygienic scene: The lavatory had an awful smell worse than a pigsty. If one was not careful, he or she could step on human excreta scattered on the floor because hasty passengers were forced to dispose of their waste in a restroom that had nothing more to offer than urinals. The lavatories were also padlocked at night (ibid.). However, the data did not show if the Alatco addressed these concerns.

The Alatco Transforming Naga and the Rest of Bicol

The modernizing process that accompanied the progress of the Alatco’s operation was closely related to the American colonial notion that changes in mobility would also bring about changes in Philippine society. These supposed achievements were apparent in the demographic shifts, political integration, economic ventures, and urban transformation that occurred in the Bicol Region.

Rapid population growth in twentieth-century Bicol can be construed as a response to political consolidation and economic activities that went hand-in-glove with transport development (US Bureau of the Census 1905, 27-29; Philippine Islands Census Office 1921a, 101; Gerona 2003, 104). The Alatco’s operations had a crucial influence on the demographic changes and urban advancement in the region. Its services aided and enhanced the regular movement of people coming from various towns in Bicol to abaca-producing districts, for occupational and eventually relocation purposes, which resulted in intensive and extensive agricultural land use and apparent shifts in the populations of Albay, Ambos Camarines, and Sorsogon (ACCJ 1939d, 11-16; Gerona 2003, 104). Moreover, the development of inland transportation supported the emergence of new municipalities and the consolidation of Bicol provinces (Gerona 2012a, 96-101; 2013, 90-97; Totanes 2000, 435-38). Urban and interprovincial transportation had a decisive role in how and which towns and cities would feature articles pertaining to several complaints about uncomfortable seats and the lack of cleanliness inside the buses and terminals. To address the discomfort, the company replaced old bus seats with padded backrests. To remedy the issue of littering inside the buses and in waiting areas, the management and personnel reminded passengers to properly dispose of their trash in bins and refrain from throwing garbage out the bus windows (BM 1966, 27). Another news article featured complaints about the stinking restrooms in the Alatco terminal in Daet, Camarines Norte. It described the unhygienic scene: The lavatory had an awful smell worse than a pigsty. If one was not careful, he or she could step on human excreta scattered on the floor because hasty passengers were forced to dispose of their waste in a restroom that had nothing more to offer than urinals. The lavatories were also padlocked at night (ibid.). However, the data did not show if the Alatco addressed these concerns.

Featured image: Early photo of Mr. Albert Louis Ammen and Mr. Max Blouse with Alatco bus passengers.